Having come into the province ( epibas tēi eparcheiāi ).

Second aorist active participle of epibainō , to set foot upon. Literally, "Having set foot upon his province."Eparcheia is a late word for province, in N.T. only here and Act 23:34. Judea was not strictly a province, but a department (Page) of the province of Syria which was under a propraetor (legatus Caesaris ) while Judea was under a procurator (epitropos ).

After three days ( meta treis hēmeras ).

So in Act 28:17 in Rome. That is on the third day, with a day of rest in between. Precisely the language used of the resurrection of Jesus "after three days"= "on the third day."So by common usage then and now.

The principal men ( hoi prōtoi ).

The first men, the leading men of the city, besides the chief priests. In Act 25:15we have "the chief priests and the elders."These chief men among the Jews would desire to pay their respects to the new Procurator on his first visit to Jerusalem. There was another high priest now, Ishmael in place of Ananias.

Informed him against Paul ( enephanisan autōi kata tou Paulou ).

"This renewal of the charge after two years, on the very first opportunity, is a measure, not only of their unsleeping hatred, but of the importance which they attached to Paul’ s influence"(Furneaux).

Besought ( parekaloun ).

Imperfect active, kept on beseeching as a special favour to the Jews.

Asking favour against him ( aitoumenoi charin kat' autou ).

A favour to themselves (middle voice), not to Paul, but "against"(kat' , down, against) him.

That he would send for ( hopōs metapempsētai ).

First aorist middle subjunctive of metapempō (See note on Act 24:24, and Act 24:26) with final particle hopōs like hina . Aorist tense for single case.

Laying wait ( enedran poiountes ).

See note on Act 23:16 for the word enedra . Old idiom (Thucydides) for laying a plot or ambush as here. Only these two uses of enedra in N.T. Two years before the Sanhedrin had agreed to the plot of the forty conspirators. Now they propose one on their own initiative.

On the way ( kata tēn hodon ).

Down along, up and down along the way. Plenty of opportunity would occur between Caesarea and Jerusalem for ambush and surprise attacks.

Howbeit ( men oun ).

No antithesis expressed, though Page considers de in Act 25:6to be one. They probably argued that it was easier for one man (Paul) to come to Jerusalem than for many to go down there. But Festus was clearly suspicious (Act 25:6) and was wholly within his rights to insist that they make their charges in Caesarea where he held court.

Was kept in charge ( tēreisthai ).

Present passive infinitive of tēreō in indirect assertion. Hoti with finite verb is more common after apokrinomai , but the infinitive with the accusative of general reference is proper as here (Robertson, Grammar , p. 1036).

Shortly ( en tachei ).

In quickness, in speed. Old and common usage, seen already in Luk 18:8; Act 12:7; Act 22:18. Festus is clearly within his rights again since his stay in Caesarea had been so brief. He did go down in "eight or ten days"(Act 25:6). Luke did not consider the matter important enough to be precise.

Them therefore which are of power among you ( hoi oun en humin dunatoi ).

"The mighty ones among you,""the men of power"(dunatoi ) and authority, "the first men,"the Sanhedrin, in other words. Note change here by Luke from indirect discourse in Act 25:4, to direct in Act 25:5(phēsin , says he).

Go down with me ( sunkatabantes ).

Double compound (sun , kata ) second aorist active participle of sunkatabainō . It was a fair proposal.

If there is anything amiss in the man ( ei ti estin en tōi andri atopon ).

Condition of the first class, assuming that there is (to be courteous to them), but not committing himself on the merits of the case. Atopon is an old word, specially common in Plato, meaning "out of place."In N.T. only here and Luk 23:41 which see; Act 28:6; 2Th 3:2. Note present tense active voice of katēgoreitōsan (imperative) of katēgoreō , repeat their accusations.

On the morrow ( tēi epaurion ).

Locative case of the article with hēmerāi understood (epaurion , adverb, tomorrow). Festus lost no time for the chief men had come down with him.

Sat on the judgment seat ( kathisas epi tou bēmatos ).

A legal formality to give weight to the decision. Ingressive aorist active participle. For this use of bēma for judgment seat, see Mat 27:19, Joh 19:13, Act 12:21, Act 18:12, Act 25:10. Same phrase repeated in Act 25:17.

To be brought ( achthēnai ).

First aorist passive infinitive of agō after ekeleusen (commanded). Same words repeated in Act 25:17 by Festus.

When he was come ( paragenomenou autou ).

Genitive absolute of common verb paraginomai (cf. Act 24:24).

Which had come down ( hoi katabebēkotes ).

Perfect active participle of katabainō . They had come down on purpose at the invitation of Festus (Act 25:5), and were now ready.

Stood round about him ( periestēsan auton ).

Second aorist (ingressive) active (intransitive) of periistēmi , old verb, "Took their stand around him,"" periculum intentantes "(Bengel). Cf. Luk 23:10 about Christ. They have no lawyer this time, but they mass their forces so as to impress Festus.

Bringing against him ( katapherontes ).

Bearing down on. See note on Act 20:9; and note on Act 26:10, only N.T. examples of this ancient verb.

Many and grievous charges ( polla kai barea aitiōmata ).

This word aitiōma for old form aitiama is found in one papyrus (Moulton and Milligan’ s Vocabulary ) in sense of "blame."But the charges were no "heavier"than those made by Tertullus (Act 24:5-8). Paul’ s reply proves this and they were also probably on court record (Furneaux). See this adjective barus (heavy) used with lukoi (wolves) in Act 20:29.

Which they could not prove ( ha ouk ischuon apodeixai ).

Imperfect active of ischuō , to have strength or power as in Act 19:16, Act 19:20. Repetition and reiteration and vehemence took the place of proof (apodeixai , first aorist active infinitive of apodeiknumi , to show forth, old verb, in N.T. only here, Act 2:22 which see and 1Co 4:9).

While Paul said in his defence ( tou Paulou apologoumenou ).

Genitive absolute again, present middle participle of apologeomai , old verb to make defence as in Act 19:33; Act 24:10; Act 26:1, Act 26:2. The recitative hoti of the Greek before a direct quotation is not reproduced in English.

Have I sinned at all ( tōi hēmarton ).

Constative aorist active indicative of hamartanō , to miss, to sin. The ti is cognate accusative (or adverbial accusative). Either makes sense. Paul sums up the charges under the three items of law of the Jews, the temple, the Roman state (Caesar). This last was the one that would interest Festus and, if proved, would render Paul guilty of treason (majestas ). Nero was Emperor a.d. 54-68, the last of the emperors with any hereditary claim to the name "Caesar."Soon it became merely a title like Kaiser and Czar (modern derivatives). In Acts only "Caesar"and "Augustus"are employed for the Emperor, not "King"(Basileus ) as from the time of Domitian. Paul’ s denial is complete and no proof had been presented. Luke was apparently present at the trial.

Desiring to gain favour with the Jews ( thelōn tois Ioudaiois charin katathesthai ).

Precisely the expression used of Felix by Luke in Act 24:27 which see. Festus, like Felix, falls a victim to fear of the Jews.

Before me ( ep' emou ).

Same use of epi with the genitive as in Act 23:30; Act 24:19, Act 24:21. Festus, seeing that it was unjust to condemn Paul and yet disadvantageous to absolve him (Blass), now makes the very proposal to Paul that the rulers had made to him in Jerusalem (Act 25:3). He added the words "ep' emou "(before me) as if to insure Paul of justice. If Festus was unwilling to give Paul justice in Caesarea where his regular court held forth, what assurance was there that Festus would give it to him at Jerusalem in the atmosphere of intense hostility to Paul? Only two years ago the mob, the Sanhedrin, the forty conspirators had tried to take his life in Jerusalem. Festus had no more courage to do right than Felix, however plausible his language might sound. Festus also, while wanting Paul to think that he would in Jerusalem "be judged of these things before me,"in reality probably intended to turn Paul over to the Sanhedrin in order to please the Jews, probably with Festus present also to see that Paul received justice (me presente ). Festus possibly was surprised to find that the charges were chiefly against Jewish law, though one was against Caesar. It was not a mere change of venue that Paul sensed, but the utter unwillingness of Festus to do his duty by him and his willingness to connive at Jewish vengeance on Paul. Paul had faced the mob and the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem, two years of trickery at the hands of Felix in Caesarea, and now he is confronted by the bland chicanery of Festus. It is too much, the last straw.

I am standing before Caesar’ s judgment-seat ( Hestōs epi tou bēmatos Kaisaros eimi ).

Periphrastic present perfect indicative (hestōs eimi ), second perfect participle hestōs of histōmi (intransitive). Paul means to say that he is a Roman citizen before a Roman tribunal. Festus was the representative of Caesar and had no right to hand him over to a Jewish tribunal. Festus recognized this by saying to Paul "wilt thou"(theleis ).

Where I ought to be judged ( hou me dei krinesthai ).

Rather, "Where I must be judged,"for dei expresses necessity (it is necessary). Paul exposes the conduct of Festus with merciless precision.

As thou also very well knowest ( hōs kai su kallion epiginōskeis ).

"As thou also dost understand (hast additional knowledge, epiginōskeis ) better"(than thou art willing to admit). That this is Paul’ s meaning by the use of the comparative kallion (positive kalōs ) is made plain by the confession of Festus to Agrippa in Act 25:18. Paul says that Festus knows that he has done no wrong to the Jews at all (ouden ēdikēka ) and yet he is trying to turn him over to the wrath of the Jews in Jerusalem.

If I am a wrong-doer ( ei men oun adikō ).

Condition of the first class with ei and the present active indicative of adikeō (a privative and dikē ): "If I am in the habit of doing injustice,"assuming it to be true for the sake of argument.

And have committed anything worthy of death ( kai axion thanatou pepracha ).

Same condition with the difference in tense (pepracha , perfect active indicative) of a single case instead of a general habit. Assuming either or both Paul draws his conclusion.

I refuse not to die ( ou paraitoumai to apothanein ).

Old verb to ask alongside, to beg from, to deprecate, to refuse, to decline. See notes on Luk 14:18. Josephus ( Life , 29) has thanein ou paraitoumai . Here the articular second aorist active infinitive is in the accusative case the object of paraitoumai : "I do not beg off dying from myself."

But if none of these things is ( ei de ouden estin ).

Deuteronomy here is contrasted with men just before. No word for "true"in the Greek. Estin ("is") in the Greek here means "exists."Same condition (first class, assumed as true).

Whereof these accuse me ( hōn houtoi katēgorousin mou ).

Genitive of relative hon by attraction from ha (accusative with katēgorousin ) to case of the unexpressed antecedent toutōn ("of these things"). Mou is genitive of person after katēgorousin .

No man can give me up to them ( oudeis me dunatai autois charisasthai ).

"Can"legally. Paul is a Roman citizen and not even Festus can make a free gift (charisasthai ) of Paul to the Sanhedrin.

I appeal unto Caesar ( Kaisara epikaloumai ).

Technical phrase like Latin Caesarem appello . Originally the Roman law allowed an appeal from the magistrate to the people ( provocatio ad populum ), but the emperor represented the people and so the appeal to Caesar was the right of every Roman citizen. Paul had crossed the Rubicon on this point and so took his case out of the hands of dilatory provincial justice (really injustice). Roman citizens could make this appeal in capital offences. There would be expense connected with it, but better that with some hope than delay and certain death in Jerusalem. Festus was no better than Felix in his vacillation and desire to curry favour with the Jews at Paul’ s expense. No doubt Paul’ s long desire to see Rome (Act 19:21; Rom 15:22-28) and the promise of Jesus that he would see Rome (Act 23:11) played some part in Paul’ s decision. But he made it reluctantly for he says in Rome (Act 28:19): "I was constrained to appeal."But acquittal at the hands of Festus with the hope of going to Rome as a free man had vanished.

When he had conferred with the council ( sunlalēsas meta tou sumbouliou ).

The word sumboulion in the N.T. usually means "counsel"as in Mat 12:14, but here alone as an assembly of counsellors or council. But the papyri (Milligan and Moulton’ s Vocabulary ) furnish a number of instances of this sense of the word as "council."Here it apparently means the chief officers and personal retinue of the procurator, his assessors (assessores consiliarii ). These local advisers were a necessity. Some discretion was allowed the governor about granting the appeal. If the prisoner were a well-known robber or pirate, it could be refused.

Thou hast appealed unto Caesar ( Kaisara epikeklēsai ).

The same technical word, but the perfect tense of the indicative.

Unto Caesar thou shalt go ( epi Kaisara poreusēi ).

Perhaps the volitive future (Robertson, Grammar , p. 874). Bengel thinks that Festus sought to frighten Paul with these words. Knowling suggests that "they may have been uttered, if not with a sneer, yet with the implication ‘ thou little knowest what an appeal to Caesar means.’ "But embarrassment will come to Festus. He has refused to acquit this prisoner. Hence he must formulate charges against him to go before Caesar.

When certain days were passed ( Hēmerōn diagenomenon ).

Genitive absolute of diaginomai , to come between, "days intervening."

Agrippa the King ( Agrippas ho basileus ).

Agrippa II son of Agrippa I of Act 12:20-23. On the death of Herod King of Chalcis a.d. 48, Claudius a.d. 50 gave this Herod Agrippa II the throne of Chalcis so that Luke is correct in calling him king, though he is not king of Judea. But he was also given by Claudius the government of the temple and the right of appointing the high priest. Later he was given also the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias. He was the last Jewish king in Palestine, though not king of Judea. He angered the Jews by building his palace so as to overlook the temple and by frequent changes in the high priesthood. He made his capital at Caesarea Philippi which he called Neronias in honour of Nero. Titus visited it after the fall of Jerusalem.

Bernice ( Bernikē ).

He was her brother and yet she lived with him in shameful intimacy in spite of her marriage to her uncle Herod King of Chalcis and to Polemon King of Cilicia whom she left. Schuerer calls her both a Jewish bigot and a wanton. She afterwards became the mistress of Titus.

Arrived at Caesarea ( katēntēsan eis Kaisarian ).

Came down (first aorist active of katantaō ) to Caesarea from Jerusalem.

And saluted Festus ( aspasamenoi ton Phēston ).

The Textus Receptus has aspasomenoi the future participle, but the correct text is the aorist middle participle aspasamenoi which cannot possibly mean subsequent action as given in the Canterbury Revision "and saluted."It can only mean contemporaneous (simultaneous) action "saluting"or antecedent action like the margin "having saluted."But antecedent action is not possible here, so that simultaneous action is the only alternative. It is to be noted that the salutation synchronized with the arrival in Caesarea (note kata , down, the effective aorist tense), not with the departure from Jerusalem, nor with the whole journey. Rightly understood the aorist participle here gives no trouble at all (Robertson, Grammar , pp. 861-3).

Tarried ( dietribon ).

Imperfect active of diatribō , common verb for spending time (Act 12:19, etc.).

Many days ( pleious hēmeras ).

More days (than a few). Accusative case for extent of time.

Laid Paul’ s case ( anetheto ta kata ton Paulon ).

Second aorist middle indicative of anatithēmi , old verb to set before, to place up, as if for consultation in conference. Only twice in N.T. here and Gal 2:2. The motive of Festus is not given, though it was natural enough in view of the quandary of Festus about Paul (the things about Paul) and Agrippa’ s interest in and responsibility for Jewish worship in the temple in Jerusalem. It is quite possible that Festus had a bit of ennui over the visit of these Jewish dignitaries as "more days"went by. Hence the tone of Festus about Paul in this proposal for the entertainment of Agrippa and Bernice is certainly one of superficial and supremely supercilious indifference.

Left a prisoner ( katalelimmenos desmios ).

Perfect passive participle of kataleipō , to leave behind. Paul is one of Felix’ s left overs (left behind), a sort of "junk"left on his hands. This cowardly Roman procurator thus pictures the greatest of living men and the greatest preacher of all time to this profligate pair (brother and sister) of sinners. Undoubtedly today in certain circles Christ and his preachers are held up to like contempt.

Informed ( enephanisan ).

Same word as in Act 23:15, Act 23:22; Act 25:2 which see.

Asking for sentence against him ( aitoumenoi kat' autou katadikēn ).

Only N.T. example of this old word (penalty, fine, condemnation) from kata and dikē (justice against).

It is not the custom of the Romans ( hoti ouk estin ethos Rōmaiois ).

If a direct quotation, hoti is recitative as in Authorized Version. Canterbury Revision takes it as indirect discourse after apekrithēn (I answered), itself in a relative clause (pros hous ) with the present tense (estin , is) preserved as is usual. There is a touch of disdain (Furneaux) in the tone of Festus. He may refer to a demand of the Jews before they asked that Paul be brought to Jerusalem (Act 25:3). At any rate there is a tone of scorn towards the Jews.

Before that the accused have ( prin ē ho katēgoroumenos echoi ).

This use of the optative in this temporal clause with prin ē instead of the subjunctive an echēi is in conformity with literary Greek and occurs only in Luke’ s writings in the N.T. (Robertson, Grammar , p. 970). This sequence of modes is a mark of the literary style occasionally seen in Luke. It is interesting here to note the succession of dependent clauses in Act 25:14-16.

The accusers face to face ( kata prosōpon tous katēgorous ).

Same word katēgoros as in Act 23:30, Act 23:35; Act 25:18. This all sounds fair enough.

And have had opportunity to make his defence concerning the matter laid against him ( topon te apologias laboi peri tou egklēmatos ).

Literally, "And should receive (laboi optative for same reason as echoi above, second aorist active of lambanō ) opportunity for defence (objective genitive) concerning the charge"(egklēmatos in N.T. only here and Act 23:19 which see).

When they were come together here ( sunelthontōn enthade ).

Genitive absolute of second aorist active participle of sunerchomai , but without autōn (they), merely understood.

Delay ( anabolēn ).

Old word from anaballō , only here in N.T.||

Brought ( epheron ).

Imperfect active of pherō , referring to their repeated charges.

Of such evil things as I supposed ( hōn egō hupenooun ponērōn ).

Incorporation of the antecedent ponērōn into the relative clause and change of the case of the relative from the accusative ha object of hupenooun to the genitive like ponērōn (Robertson, Grammar , p. 719). Note the imperfect active hupenooun of huponoeō to emphasize Festus’ s state of mind about Paul before the trial. This old verb only three times in the N.T. (here, Act 13:25 which see; Act 27:27).

But had ( de eichon ).

Descriptive imperfect active of echō and de of contrast (but).

Concerning their own religion ( peri tēs idias deisidaimonias ).

See note on Act 17:22 for discussion of this word. Festus would hardly mean "superstition,"whatever he really thought, because Agrippa was a Jew.

And of one Jesus ( kai peri tinos Iēsou ).

This is the climax of supercilious scorn toward both Paul and "one Jesus."

Who was dead ( tethnēkotos ).

Perfect active participle of thnēskō agreeing with Iēsou (genitive). As being dead.

Whom Paul affirmed to be alive ( hon ephasken ho Paulos zēin ).

Imperfect active of phaskō , old form of phēmi to say, in the N.T. only here and Act 24:9; Rom 1:22. Infinitive zēin in indirect discourse with hon (whom) the accusative of general reference. With all his top-loftical airs Festus has here correctly stated the central point of Paul’ s preaching about Jesus as no longer dead, but living.

Being perplexed ( aporoumenos ).

Present middle participle of the common verb aporeō (a privative and poros way), to be in doubt which way to turn, already in Mar 6:20 which see and Luk 24:4. The Textus Receptus has eis after here, but critical text has only the accusative which this verb allows (Mar 6:20) as in Thucydides and Plato.

How to inquire concerning these things ( tēn peri toutōn zētēsin ).

Literally, "as to the inquiry concerning these things."This is not the reason given by Luke in Act 25:9(wanting to curry favour with the Jews), but doubtless this motive also actuated Festus as both could be true.

Whether he would go to Jerusalem ( ei bouloito poreuesthai eis Ierosoluma ).

Optative in indirect question after elegon (asked or said) imperfect active, though the present indicative could have been retained with change of person: "Dost thou wish, etc.,"(ei boulēi , etc.). See Robertson, Grammar , pp. 1031, 1044. This is the question put to Paul in Act 25:9though theleis is there used.

When Paul had appealed ( tou Paulou epikalesamenou ).

Genitive absolute with first aorist middle participle of epikaleomai , the technical word for appeal (Act 25:11, Act 25:12). The first aorist passive infinitive tērēthēnai (to be kept) is the object of the participle.

For the decision of the emperor ( eis tēn tou Sebastou diagnōsin ).

Diagnōsin (cf. diagnōsomai Act 24:22, I will determine) is the regular word for a legal examination (cognitio ), thorough sifting (dia ), here only in N.T. Instead of "the Emperor"it should be "the Augustus,"as Sebastos is simply the Greek translation of Augustus , the adjective (Revered, Reverent) assumed by Octavius b.c. 27 as the agnomen that summed up all his various offices instead of Rex so offensive to the Romans having led to the death of Julius Caesar. The successors of Octavius assumed Augustus as a title. The Greek term Sebastos has the notion of worship (cf. sebasma in Acts Act 17:25). In the N.T. only here, Act 25:25; Act 27:1 (of the legion). It was more imposing than "Caesar"which was originally a family name (always official in the N.T.) and it fell in with the tendency toward emperor-worship which later played such a large part in Roman life and which Christians opposed so bitterly. China is having a revival of this idea in the insistence on bowing three times to the picture of Sun-Yat-Sen.

Till I should send him to Caesar ( heōs an anapempsō auton pros Kaisara ).

Here anapempsō can be either future indicative or first aorist subjunctive (identical in first person singular), aorist subjunctive the usual construction with heōs for future time (Robertson, Grammar , p. 876). Literally, "send up"(ana ) to a superior (the emperor). Common in this sense in the papyri and Koiné[28928]š writers. Here "Caesar"is used as the title of Nero instead of "Augustus"as Kurios (Lord) occurs in Act 25:26.

I also could wish ( eboulomēn kai autos ).

The imperfect for courtesy, rather than the blunt boulomai , I wish, I want. Literally, "I myself also was wishing"(while you were talking), a compliment to the interesting story told by Festus. The use of an with the imperfect would really mean that he does not wish (a conclusion of the second class condition, determined as unfulfilled). An with the optative would show only a languid desire. The imperfect is keen enough and yet polite enough to leave the decision with Festus if inconvenient for any reason (Robertson, Grammar , pp. 885-7). Agrippa may have heard much about Christianity.

When Agrippa was come and Bernice ( elthontos tou Agrippa kai tēs Bernikēs ).

Genitive absolute, the participle agreeing in number and gender (masculine singular, elthontos ) with Agrippa , Bernikēs being added as an afterthought.

With great pomp ( meta pollēs phantasias ).

Phantasia is a Koiné[28928]š word (Polybius, Diodorus, etc.) from the old verb phantazō (Heb 12:21) and it from phainō , common verb to show, to make an appearance. This is the only N.T. example of phantasia , though the kindred common word phantasma (appearance) occurs twice in the sense of apparition or spectre (Mat 14:26; Mar 6:49). Herodotus (VII. 10) used the verb phantazō for a showy parade. Festus decided to gratify the wish of Agrippa by making the "hearing"of Paul the prisoner (Act 25:22) an occasion for paying a compliment to Agrippa (Rackham) by a public gathering of the notables in Caesarea. Festus just assumed that Paul would fall in with this plan for a grand entertainment though he did not have to do it.

Into the place of hearing ( eis to akroatērion ).

From akroaomai (to be a hearer) and, like the Latin auditorium , in Roman law means the place set aside for hearing, and deciding cases. Here only in the N.T. Late word, several times in Plutarch and other Koiné[28928]š writers. The hearing was "semi-official"(Page) as is seen in Act 25:26.

With the chief captains ( sun te chiliarchois ).

Chiliarchs , each a leader of a thousand. There were five cohorts of soldiers stationed in Caesarea.

And the principal men of the city ( kai andrasin tois kat' exochēn ).

The use of kat' exochēn , like our French phrase par excellence , occurs here only in the N.T., and not in the ancient Greek, but it is found in inscriptions of the first century a.d. (Moulton and Milligan’ s Vocabulary ). Exochē in medical writers is any protuberance or swelling. Cf. our phrase "outstanding men."

At the command of Festus ( keleusantos tou Phēstou ).

Genitive absolute again, "Festus having commanded."

Which are here present with us ( hoi sunparontes hēmin ).

Present articular participle of sunpareimi (only here in N.T.) with associative instrumental case hēmin .

Made suit to me ( enetuchon moi ).

Second aorist active indicative of entugchanō , old verb to fall in with a person, to go to meet for consultation or supplication as here. Common in old Greek and Koiné[28928]š Cf. Rom 8:27, Rom 8:34. See enteuxis (petition) 1Ti 2:1. Papyri give many examples of the technical sense of enteuxis as petition (Deissmann, Bible Studies , p. 121). Some MSS. have plural here enetuchon rather than the singular enetuchen .

Crying ( boōntes ).

Yelling and demanding with loud voices.

That he ought not to live any longer ( mē dein auton zēin mēketi ).

Indirect command (demand) with the infinitive dein for dei (it is necessary). The double negative (mē̇̇mēketi ) with zēin intensifies the demand.

But I found ( egō de katelabomēn ).

Second aorist middle of katalambanō , to lay hold of, to grasp, to comprehend as in Act 4:13; Act 10:34.

That he had committed nothing worthy of death ( mēden axion auton thanatou peprachenai ).

Perfect active infinitive of prassō in indirect assertion with negative mē and accusative auton of general reference, the usual idiom. Act 25:25repeats the statement in Act 25:21, perhaps for the benefit of the assembled dignitaries.

No certain thing ( asphales tōi̇̇ou ).

Nothing definite or reliable (a privative, sphallō , to trip). All the charges of the Sanhedrin slipped away or were tripped up by Paul. Festus confesses that he had nothing left and thereby convicts himself of gross insincerity in his proposal to Paul in Act 25:9about going up to Jerusalem. By his own statement he should have set Paul free. The various details here bear the marks of the eyewitness. Luke was surely present and witnessed this grand spectacle with Paul as chief performer.

Unto my lord ( tōi kuriōi ).

Augustus (Octavius) and Tiberius refused the title of kurios (lord) as too much like rex (king) and like master and slave, but the servility of the subjects gave it to the other emperors who accepted it (Nero among them). Antoninus Pius put it on his coins. Deissmann ( Light from the Ancient East , p. 105) gives an ostracon dated Aug. 4, a.d. 63 with the words "in the year nine of Nero the lord"(enatou Nerōnos tou kuriou ). Deissmann ( op. cit. , pp. 349ff.) runs a most interesting parallel "between the cult of Christ and the cult of Caesar in the application of the term kurios , lord"in ostraca, papyri, inscriptions. Beyond a doubt Paul has all this fully in mind when he says in 1Co 12:3 that "no one is able to say Kurios Iēsous except in the Holy Spirit"(cf. also Phi 2:11). The Christians claimed this word for Christ and it became the test in the Roman persecutions as when Polycarp steadily refused to say "Lord Caesar"and insisted on saying "Lord Jesus"when it meant his certain death.

Before you ( eph' humōn ).

The whole company. In no sense a new trial, but an examination in the presence of these prominent men to secure data and to furnish entertainment and pleasure to Agrippa (Act 25:22).

Especially before thee ( malista epi sou ).

Out of courtesy. It was the main reason as Act 25:22shows. Agrippa was a Jew and Festus was glad of the chance to see what he thought of Paul’ s case.

After examination had ( tēs anakriseōs genomenēs ).

Genitive absolute, "the examination having taken place."Anakrisis from anakrinō (cf. Act 12:19; Act 24:8; Act 28:18) is a legal term for preliminary examination. Only here in the N.T. Inscriptions and papyri give it as examination of slaves or other property.

That I may have somewhat to write ( hopōs schō ti grapsō ).

Ingressive aorist subjunctive schō (may get) with hopōs (final particle like hina ). Ti grapsō in indirect question after schō is either future indicative or aorist subjunctive (Robertson, Grammar , p. 1045). Festus makes it plain that this is not a "trial,"but an examination for his convenience to help him out of a predicament.

Was come into the province ( ἑπιβὰς τῇ ἐπαρχίᾳ )

Lit., having entered upon the province.

Besought

The imperfect denotes their persistence: kept beseeching.

Laying wait ( ἐνέδραν ποιοῦντες )

Lit., making or arranging an ambush.

Should be kept ( τηρεῖσθαι )

This puts it as a peremptory denial of the Jews' request by Festus; whereas it is only his statement of a fact. Render, as Rev., that Paul was kept in charge. Festus' reply is conciliatory, and is put on the ground of convenience.

Judgment-seat

See on Act 7:5.

Have I offended ( ἥμαρτον )

See on the kindred noun ἁμαρτία , sin, Mat 1:21.

Do a pleasure

See on Act 24:27. Rev., better, to gain favor.

Before me ( ἐπ ' ἐμοῦ )

Not with him as judge, but by the Sanhedrim in his presence.

Very well ( κάλλιον )

The force of the comparative should be preserved: " thou knowest better than thy question implies."

Deliver ( χαρίσασθαι )

With an underlying sense of giving him up as a favor to the Jews.

I appeal ( ἐπικαλοῦμαι )

The technical phrase for lodging an appeal. The Greek rendering of the Latin formula appello.

The council

A body of men chosen by the governor himself from the principal Romans of the province. These were called assessors, sometimes friends, sometimes captains. Though a Roman citizen had the right of appeal to the emperor, a certain discretion was allowed the governors of provinces as to admitting the appeal. It might be disallowed if the affair did not admit of delay, or if the appellant were a known robber or pirate. In doubtful cases the governor was bound to consult with his council, and his failure to do so exposed him to censure. Cicero, in his impeachment of Verres, the brutal governor of Sicily, says: " Will you deny that you dismissed your council, the men of rank with whom your predecessor and yourself had been wont to consult, and decided the case yourself?" (ii., 33). That Festus exercised this discretion in Paul's case is shown by his conferring with the council.

Agrippa the king

Herod Agrippa II., son o£ the Herod whose death is recorded in Act 12:20-23.

Bernice

Sister of Drusilla, the wife of Felix. She is said to have lived in incestuous relations with her brother. Juvenal, in his sixth satire, alludes to this: " A most notable diamond, made more precious by having been worn on the finger of Bernice. This a barbarian king once gave to his incestuous love. This Agrippa gave to his sister."

Opportunity ( τόπον )

Lit., place. An unclassical use of the word.

Stood up ( σταθέντες )

See on Luk 18:11; and Luk 19:8.

Superstition ( δεισιδαιμονίας )

See on Act 17:22. Better, religion, as Rev. As Agrippa was a Jew by religion, Festus would not have insulted him by applying the word superstition to his faith. Note, however, that he speaks of it as their own religion, not identifying Agrippa with them. It was a non-committal expression, since the word meant either religion or superstition according to circumstances. He left Agrippa " to take the word in a good sense, but reserved his own view, which was certainly the Roman one" (Meyer). There is, indeed, a similar tact in Paul's use of the word to the Athenians. He selected " a word which almost imperceptibly shaded off from praise to blame" (Trench).

Affirmed ( ἔφασκεν )

The imperfect implies something habitual. " Paul kept asserting. "

Of the Emperor ( τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ )

Lit., the august one; hence a translation of Augustus, which was not a proper name, but a title of the Roman emperors.

Lord ( κυρίῳ )

An instance of Luke's accuracy. The title " lord" was refused by the first two emperors, Augustus and Tiberius. The emperors who followed accepted it. In the time of Domitian it was a recognized title. Antoninus Pius was the first who put it on his coins.

In so long a time their rage was not cooled. So much louder a call had Paul to the Gentiles.

So Festus's care to preserve the imperial privileges was the means of preserving Paul's life. By what invisible springs does God govern the world! With what silence, and yet with what wisdom and energy!

Who are best able to undertake the journey, and to manage the cause.

So he does not pass sentence before he hears the cause.

A short space for a new governor to stay at such a city as Jerusalem. He could not with any convenience have heard and decided the cause of Paul within that time.

When many accusations are heaped together, frequently not one of them is true.

To a general charge a general answer was sufficient.

Festus could have ordered this without asking Paul. But God secretly overruled the whole, that he might have an occasion of appealing to Rome.

For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him.

He expresses it modestly: the meaning is, Thou canst not.

Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed.

It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised.

The son of Herod Agrippa, Act 12:1; and Bernice - His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity. This was the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, that he would have made her empress, had not the clamours of the Romans prevented it.

As upon a previous conviction, which they falsely pretended.

How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule, which as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public, but private life.

From their passion and vehemence.

How coldly does he mention the things of the last importance! And about one Jesus - Thus does Festus speak of Him, to whom every knee shall bow! Whom Paul affirmed to be alive - And was this a doubtful question? But why, O Festus, didst thou doubt concerning it? Only because thou didst not search into the evidence of it. Otherwise that evidence might have opened to thee, till it had grown up into full conviction; and thy illustrious prisoner have led thee into the glorious liberty of the children of God.

The chief officers, both military and civil.

To make himself acquainted with the great central city of his government without delay.

A successor of him before whom Paul had appeared (Act 23:2).

And "the whole multitude of the Jews" (Act 25:24) clamorously.

informed him against Paul . . .

In Act 25:15, "judgment."

It would seem that they had the insolence to ask him to have the prisoner executed even without a trial (Act 25:16).

How deep must have been their hostility, when two years after the defeat of their former attempt, they thirst as keenly as ever for his blood! Their plea for having the case tried at Jerusalem, where the alleged offense took place, was plausible enough; but from Act 25:10 it would seem that Festus had been made acquainted with their causeless malice, and that in some way which Paul was privy to.

Rather, "is in custody."

at Cæsarea, and . . . himself would depart shortly thither.

"your leading men."

Clamorously, as at Jerusalem; see Act 25:24.

From his reply, and Festus' statement of the case before Agrippa, these charges seem to have been a jumble of political and religious matter which they were unable to substantiate, and vociferous cries that he was unfit to live. Paul's reply, not given in full, was probably little more than a challenge to prove any of their charges, whether political or religious.

To ingratiate himself with them.

Or, "under my protection." If this was meant in earnest, it was temporizing and vacillating. But, possibly, anticipating Paul's refusal, he wished merely to avoid the odium of refusing to remove the trial to Jerusalem.

That is, I am already before the proper tribunal. This seems to imply that he understood Festus to propose handing him over to the Sanhedrim for judgment (and see on Act 25:11), with a mere promise of protection from him. But from going to Jerusalem at all he was too well justified in shrinking, for there assassination had been quite recently planned against him.

Literally, "better," that is, (perhaps), better than to press such a proposal.

The word signifies to "surrender in order to gratify" another.

The right of appeal to the supreme power, in case of life and death, was secured by an ancient law to every Roman citizen, and continued under the empire. Had Festus shown any disposition to pronounce final judgment, Paul, strong in the consciousness of his innocence and the justice of a Roman tribunal, would not have made this appeal. But when the only other alternative offered him was to give his own consent to be transferred to the great hotbed of plots against his life, and to a tribunal of unscrupulous and bloodthirsty ecclesiastics whose vociferous cries for his death had scarcely subsided, no other course was open to him.

Little expecting such an appeal, but bound to respect it.

His assessors in judgment, as to the admissibility of the appeal.

For "thou hast."

As if he would add perhaps "and see if thou fare better."

Great-grandson of Herod the Great, and Drusilla's brother (see on Act 24:24). On his father's awful death (Act 12:23), being thought too young (seventeen) to succeed, Judea, was attached to the province of Syria. Four years after, on the death of his uncle Herod, he was made king of the northern principalities of Chalcis, and afterwards got Batanea, Iturea, Trachonitis, Abilene, Galilee, and Perea, with the title of king. He died A.D. 100, after reigning fifty-one years.

His sister. She was married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her brother Agrippa--not without suspicion of incestuous intercourse, which her subsequent licentious life tended to confirm.

To pay his respects to him on his accession to the procuratorship.

"several"

Taking advantage of the presence of one who might be presumed to know such matters better than himself; though the lapse of "several days" ere the subject was touched on shows that it gave Festus little trouble.

On the word "deliver up," see on Act 25:11.

"suspected"--crimes punishable by civil law.

Rather, "religion" (see on Act 17:22). It cannot be supposed that Festus would use the word in any discourteous sense in addressing his Jewish guest.

"Thus speaks this miserable Festus of Him to whom every knee shall bow" [BENGEL].

"kept affirming."

Showing that the resurrection of the Crucified One had been the burden, as usual, of Paul's pleading. The insignificance of the whole affair in the eyes of Festus is manifest.

The "I" is emphatic. "I," as a Roman judge, being at a loss how to deal with such matters.

The imperial title first conferred by the Roman Senate on Octavius.

"should like to hear."

No doubt Paul was fight when he said, "The king knoweth of these things . . . for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a corner" (Act 26:26). Hence his curiosity to see and hear the man who had raised such commotion and was remodelling to such an extent the whole Jewish life.

In the same city in which their father, on account of his pride, had perished, eaten up by worms [WETST].

(See on Act 21:32). JOSEPHUS [Wars of the Jews, 3.4.2] says that five cohorts, whose full complement was one thousand men, were stationed at Cæsarea.

Both Jews and Romans. "This was the most dignified and influential audience Paul had yet addressed, and the prediction (Act 9:15) was fulfilled, though afterwards still more remarkably at Rome (Act 27:24; 2Ti 4:16-17) [WEBSTER and WILKINSON].

"definite"

Nero. "The writer's accuracy should be remarked here. It would have been . . . a mistake to apply this term ("lord") to the emperor a few years earlier. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would let himself be so called, as implying the relation of master and slave. But it had now come (rather, "was coming") into use as one of the imperial titles" [HACKET].

Now when Festus was come into the province - By the province is meant Judea; for, after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; therefore Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterwards Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchate of Philip, that of Batanea and Abila, he nevertheless kept the province of Judea more immediately in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome. Joseph. Ant. lib. xx. cap. 7, sec. 1. Felix being removed, Porcius Festus is sent in his place; and having come to Caesarea, where the Roman governor generally had his residence, after he had tarried three days, he went up to Jerusalem, to acquaint himself with the nature and complexion of the ecclesiastical government of the Jews; no doubt, for the purpose of the better administration of justice among them.

The high priest - informed him against Paul - They supposed that as Felix, to please them, on the resignation of his government, had left Paul bound, so Festus, on the assumption of it, would, to please them, deliver him into their hand; but, as they wished this to be done under the color of justice, they exhibited a number of charges against Paul, which they hoped would appear to Festus a sufficient reason why a new trial should be granted; and he be sent to Jerusalem to take this trial. Their motive is mentioned in the succeeding verse.

Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Caesarea - It is truly astonishing that Festus should refuse this favor to the heads of the Jewish nation, which, to those who were not in the secret, must appear so very reasonable; and especially as, on his coming to the government, it might be considered an act that was likely to make him popular; and he could have no interest in denying their request. But God had told Paul that he should testify of him at Rome; and he disposed the heart of Festus to act as he did; and thus disappointed the malice of the Jews, and fulfilled his own gracious design

He - would depart shortly - So had the providence of God disposed matters that Festus was obliged to return speedily to Caesarea; and thus had not time to preside in such a trial at Jerusalem. And this reason must appear sufficient to the Jews; and especially as he gave them all liberty to come and appear against him, who were able to prove the alleged charges.

Let them - which among you are able - Οἱ δυνατοι, Those who have authority; for so is this word often used by good Greek authors, and by Josephus. Festus seems to have said: "I have heard clamours from the multitude relative to this man; but on such clamours no accusation should be founded: yourselves have only the voice of the multitude as the foundation of the request which you now make. I cannot take up accusations which may affect the life of a Roman citizen on such pretenses. Are there any respectable men among you; men in office and authority, whose character is a pledge for the truth of their depositions, who can prove any thing against him? If so, let these come down to Caesarea, and the cause shall be tried before me; and thus we shall know whether he be a malefactor or not."

When he had tarried - more than ten days - The strangeness of this mode of expression suggests the thought that our printed text is not quite correct in this place; and this suspicion is confirmed by an examination of MSS. and versions: ἡμερας ου πλειους οκτω η δεκα, Not more than Eight Or ten days, is the reading of ABC, several others of great respectability, with the Coptic, Armenian, and Vulgate. Griesbach admits this reading into the text: and of it Professor White says, Lectio indubie genuina : "This is doubtless the genuine reading."

The Jews - laid many and grievous complaints against Paul - As they must have perceived that the Roman governors would not intermeddle with questions of their law, etc., they no doubt invented some new charges, such as sedition, treason, etc., in order to render the mind of the governor evil affected towards Paul; but their malicious designs were defeated, for assertion would not go for proof before a Roman tribunal: this court required proof, and the blood-thirsty persecutors of the apostle could produce none.

While he answered for himself - In this instance St. Luke gives only a general account, both of the accusations and of St. Paul’ s defense. But, from the words in this verse, the charges appear to have been threefold

1.    That he had broken the law

2.    That he had defiled the temple

3.    That he dealt in treasonable practices: to all of which he no doubt answered particularly; though we have nothing farther here than this, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Caesar, have I offended any thing at all.

Willing to do the Jews a pleasure - This was merely to please them, and conciliate their esteem; for he knew that, as Paul was a Roman citizen, he could not oblige him to take a new trial at Jerusalem.

I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat - Every procurator represented the person of the emperor in the province over which he presided; and, as the seat of government was at Caesarea, and Paul was now before the tribunal on which the emperor’ s representative sat, he could say, with the strictest propriety, that he stood before Caesar’ s judgment seat, where, as a freeman of Rome, he should be tried

As thou very well knowest - The record of this trial before Felix was undoubtedly left for the inspection of Festus; for, as he left the prisoner to his successor, he must also leave the charges against him, and the trial which he had undergone. Besides, Festus must be assured of his innocence, from the trial through which he had just now passed.

For if I be an offender - If it can be proved that I have broken the laws, so as to expose me to capital punishment, I do not wish to save my life by subterfuges; I am before the only competent tribunal; here my business should be ultimately decided

No man may deliver me unto them - The words of the apostle are very strong and appropriate. The Jews asked as a favor, χαριν, from Festus, that he would send Paul to Jerusalem, Act 25:3. Festus, willing to do the Jews χαριν, this favor, asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged, Act 25:9. Paul says, I have done nothing amiss, either against the Jews or against Caesar; therefore no man με δυναται αυτοις χαρισασθαι, can make a Present of me to them; that is, favor them so far as to put my life into their hands, and thus gratify them by my death. Festus, in his address to Agrippa, Act 25:16, admits this, and uses the same form of speech: It is not the custom of the Romans, χαριζεσθαι, gratuitously to give up any one, etc. Much of the beauty of this passage is lost by not attending to the original words. See on Act 25:16 (note)

I appeal unto Caesar - A freeman of Rome, who had been tried for a crime, and sentence passed on him, had a right to appeal to the emperor, if he conceived the sentence to be unjust; but, even before the sentence was pronounced, he had the privilege of an appeal, in criminal cases, if he conceived that the judge was doing any thing contrary to the laws. Ante sententiam appellari potest in criminali negotio, si judex contra leges hoc faciat . - Grotius

An appeal to the emperor was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others having authority, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar. Lege Julia de vi publica damnatur, qui aliqua potestate praeditus, Civem Romanum ad Imperatorem appellantem necarit, necarive jusserit, torserit, verberauerit, condemnaverit, in publica vincula duci jusserit . Pauli Recept. Sent. lib. v. t. 26

This law was so very sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens who were proved to have turned Christians; hence, in his letter to Trajan, lib. x. Ep. 97, he says, Fuerunt alii similis amentiae, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos . ‘ There were others guilty of similar folly, whom, finding them to be Roman citizens, I have determined to send to the city."Very likely these had appealed to Caesar.

Conferred with the council - From this circumstance, we may learn that the appeal of Paul to Caesar was conditional; else Festus could not have deliberated with his council whether it should be granted; for he had no power to refuse to admit such an appeal. We may, therefore, understand Paul thus: "I now stand before a tribunal where I ought to be judged; if thou refuse to hear and try this cause, rather than go to Jerusalem, I appeal to Caesar."Festus, therefore, consulted with the council, whether he should proceed to try the cause, or send Paul to Rome; and it appears that the majority were of opinion that he should be sent to Caesar

Hast thou appealed unto Caesar, etc. - Rather, Thou hast appealed unto Caesar, and to Caesar thou shalt go. The Jews were disappointed of their hope; and Festus got his hand creditably drawn out of a business with which he was likely to have been greatly embarrassed.

King Agrippa - This was the son of Herod Agrippa, who is mentioned Act 12:1. Upon the death of his father’ s youngest brother, Herod, he succeeded him in the kingdom of Chalcis, by the favor of the Emperor Claudius: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 4, s. 2; and Bell. lib. ii. cap. 12, s. 1. Afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one, giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, which contained Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulonitis. He gave him, likewise, the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and the province which Varus had governed. Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6, s. 1; Bell. lib. ii. cap. 19, s. 8. Nero made a farther addition, and gave him four cities, Abila, Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea and Tiberias in Galilee: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 4; Bell. lib. ii. cap 13, s. 2. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 1, s. 3; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 8, 11. This king was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling against them; and, when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted in the siege of Jerusalem: he survived the ruin of his country several years. See Bishop Pearce and Calmet

Bernice, or, as she is sometimes called, Berenice, was sister of this Agrippa, and of the Drusilla mentioned Act 24:24 : She was at first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, Jos. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 9, s. 1; and, on his death, went to live with her brother Agrippa, with whom she was violently suspected to lead an incestuous life. Juvenal, as usual, mentions this in the broadest manner - Sat. vi. ver. 155: -

Deinde adamas notissimus, et Berenices

In digito factus pretiosior: hunc dedit olim

Barbarus incestae, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori

"Next, a most valuable diamond, rendered more precious by being put on the finger of Berenice; a barbarian gave it to this incestuous woman formerly; and Agrippa gave this to his sister.

Josephus mentions the report of her having criminal conversation with her brother Agrippa, φημης επισχουσης, ὁτι τἀδελφῳ συνῃει . To shield herself from this scandal, she persuaded Polemo, king of Cilicia, to embrace the Jewish religion, and marry her; this he was induced to do on account of her great riches; but she soon left him, and he revolted to heathenism: see Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 3. After this, she lived often with her brother, and her life was by no means creditable; she had, however, address to ingratiate herself with Titus Vespasian, and there were even rumors of her becoming empress - propterque insignem reginae Berenices amorem, cui etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur . - Suet. in Vit. Titi. Which was prevented by the murmurs of the Roman people: Berenicen statim ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitam . - Ibid. Tacitus also, Hist. lib. ii. cap. 1, speaks of her love intrigue with Titus. From all accounts she must have been a woman of great address; and, upon the whole, an exceptionable character.

Declared Paul’ s cause unto the king - Festus knew that Agrippa was better acquainted with such matters than he was; and he wished, in some sort, to make him a party in this business.

Desiring to have judgment against him - Instead of δικην, judgment, καταδικην, condemnation, sentence of death, is the reading of ABC, and several others, which is probably genuine. This is evidently the meaning of the place, whichever reading we prefer. Nothing could satisfy these men but the death of the apostle. It was not justice they wanted, but his destruction.

It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die - Χαριζεσθαι τινα ανθρωπον, To Make a Present of any man; gratuitously to give up the life of any man, through favor or caprice. Here is a reference to the subject discussed on Act 25:11

Before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, etc. - For this righteous procedure the Roman laws were celebrated over the civilized world. Appian, in his Hist. Roman., says: ου πατριον σφισιν ακριτους καταδικαζεσθαι . It is not their custom to condemn men before they have been heard. And Philo De Praesid. Rom., says: τοτε γαρ κοινους ἑαυτους παρεχοντες δικαϚας εξ ισου, και των κατηγορων και απολογουμενων ακουομενοι, μηδενος ακριτου προκαταγινωσκειν αξιουντες, εβραβευον ουτε προς εχθραν, ουτε προς χαριν, αλλα προς την φυσιν της αληθειας, τα δοξαντα ειναι δικαια . "For then, by giving sentence in common, and hearing impartially both plaintiff and defendant, not thinking it right to condemn any person unheard, they decided as appeared to them to be just; without either enmity or favor, but according to the merits of the case."See Bp. Pearce. England can boast such laws, not only in her statute books, but in constant operation in all her courts of justice. Even the king himself, were he so inclined, could not imprison nor punish a man without the regular procedure of the law; and twelve honest men, before whom the evidence has been adduced, the case argued, and the law laid down and explained, are ultimately to judge whether the man be guilty or not guilty. Here, in this favored country, are no arbitrary imprisonments - no Bastiles - no lettres de cachet. Lex facit Regem : the law makes the king, says Bracton, and the king is the grand executor and guardian of the laws - laws, in the eyes of which the character, property, and life of every subject are sacred.

They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed - It was natural for Festus, at the first view of things, to suppose that Paul must be guilty of some very atrocious crime. When he found that he had been twice snatched from the hands of the Jews; that he had been brought to Caesarea, as a prisoner, two years before; that he had been tried once before the Sanhedrin, and once before the governor of the province; that he had now lain two years in bonds; and that the high priest and all the heads of the Jewish nation had united in accusing him, and whose condemnation they loudly demanded; when, I say, he considered all this, it was natural for him to suppose the apostle to be some flagitious wretch; but when he had tried the case, and heard their accusations and his defense, how surprised was he to find that scarcely any thing that amounted to a crime was laid to his charge; and that nothing that was laid to his charge could be proved!

Questions - of their own superstition - Περι της ιδιας δειδιδαιμονιας ; Questions concerning their own religion. Superstition meant something as bad among the Romans as it does among us; and is it likely that Festus, only a procurator, should thus speak to Agrippa, a King, concerning his own religion? He could not have done so without offering the highest insult. The word δεισιδαιμονια must therefore simply mean religion - the national creed, and the national worship, as I have at large proved it to mean, in the observations at the end of Act 17:34

And of one Jesus, which was dead, etc. - In this way does this poor heathen speak of the death and resurrection of Christ! There are many who profess Christianity that do not appear to be much farther enlightened.

I doubted of such manner of questions - Such as, whether he had broken their law, defiled their temple; or whether this Jesus, who was dead, was again raised to life.

Unto the hearing of Augustus - Εις την του ΣεβαϚου διαγνωσιν ; To the discrimination of the emperor. For, although σεβαϚος is usually translated Augustus, and the Roman emperors generally assumed this epithet, which signifies no more than the venerable, the august, get here it seems to be used merely to express the emperor, without any reference to any of his attributes or titles.

I would also hear the man myself - A spirit of curiosity, similar to that of Herod, Luk 23:8

As Herod, the father of this Agrippa, had been so active an instrument in endeavoring to destroy Christianity, having killed James, and was about to have put Peter to death also, had not God sent him to his own place, there is no doubt that Agrippa had heard much about Christianity; and as to St. Paul, his conversion was so very remarkable that his name, in connection with Christianity, was known, not only throughout Judea, but through all Asia Minor and Greece. Agrippa, therefore might naturally wish to see and hear a man of whom he had heard so much.

With great pomp - Μετα πολλης φαντασιας ; With much phantasy, great splendor, great parade, superb attendance or splendid retinue: in this sense the Greek word is used by the best writers. Wetstein has very justly remarked, that these children of Herod the Great made this pompous appearance in that very city where, a few years before, their father, for his Pride, was smitten of God, and eaten up by worms! How seldom do the living lay any of God’ s judgments to heart

The place of hearing - A sort of audience chamber, in the palace of Festus. This was not a trial of Paul; there were no Jews present to accuse him, and he could not be tried but at Rome, as he had appealed to Caesar. These grandees wished to hear the man speak of his religion, and in his own defense, through a principle of curiosity.

I have no certain thing to write - Nothing alleged against him has been substantiated

Unto my Lord - The title Κυριος, Dominus , Lord, both Augustus and Tiberius had absolutely refused; and forbade, even by public edicts, the application of it to themselves. Tiberius himself was accustomed to say that he was lord only of his slaves, emperor or general of the troops, and prince of the senate. See Suetonius, in his life of this prince. The succeeding emperors were not so modest; they affected the title. Nero, the then emperor, would have it; and Pliny the younger is continually giving it to Trajan in his letters.

1.Then when Festus The second action is described in this place, wherein Paul hath as hard a combat, and is in no less danger than in the first. Seeing he was left in bonds, Festus might suspect that the cause was doubtful, and so gather an unjust prejudice. But there was another thing which was cause of great danger. We know that new rulers, because they will win the favor of those who are in the provinces, use to grant them many things at their first coming; so that it was to be thought that the death of Paul should be to Festus a fine means to win favor with all. Therefore, the faith of the holy man is assailed afresh with a new trial, as if the promise had been vain whereto he had hitherto trusted; but the grace of God doth so much the more plainly show itself in delivering him, because, contrary to all hope, he is delivered out of the jaws of death. The Jews prevent the governor with their false accusations, yet they do not as yet seek to have him punished, but they do only desire that he may not be brought into any foreign court to plead his cause. They desire that ambitiously as a great benefit, which was to look to equal. How is it then that they do not obtain, save only because God doth hold the mind of Festus, so that he doth stoutly deny that which he was afterward ready to grant? And as the Lord did then hold his mind bound with the secret bridle of his providence, so when he granted him freedom of will he bound his hands, that he could not execute that which he would. Let this confidence support us in dangers, and let it also stir us up to call upon God; and let this make our minds quiet and calm, in that the Lord, in stretching forth his hand, and breaking such a strong conspiracy, did show an eternal example of his power in defending his. −

5.Those, therefore It is in the Greek word for word, [literally] Those who are mighty or able; yet he meaneth those who can conveniently. Also, we may easily conjecture, that they did object the trouble and charges, and besought the governor that he would not make weary with a superfluous journey so many of their chief men, and also certain which were very aged; but would rather (which he might easily do) command Paul to be brought by a few keepers [guards]. Therefore, lest they complain that he is burdenous unto them, he unloadeth them of this necessity, and giveth them leave to choose out from among themselves such as they will. In the mean season, he doth sufficiently declare that he doth not believe their false reports; and he professeth that he will be an upright judge, and will do nothing but according to the truth of the matter. The next sentence also is diversely read among the Grecians. For some books [manuscripts] have the same which is in the old interpreter but eight or ten days. If this reading like us, the sense shall be, that the governor came shortly after to Cesarea, lest the Jews should be importunate upon him under color of his long tarriance. The other reading, which is more usual among the Grecians, shall have another meaning; though he stayed long enough at Jerusalem to hear the matter, yet did he not hearken to their requests, who would have Paul brought thither; whence we may gather a probable conjecture, that he already knew of their laying await. −

7.Many and grievous crimes So long as Paul lived under the law, his integrity was well known and famous. Again, when he was converted to Christ, he was a singular pattern of innocence. Yet we see how he is subject to many slanders, cruel and false accusations. And this is almost always the estate of the servants of Christ, wherefore they must be the more courageous, to pass valiantly through evil report and good report; neither let them think it strange to be evil reported of where they have done good. −

In the mean season, they must do their endeavor, that they may not only have a clear conscience before God, but that they may be very well able to defend themselves before men, when they have time and place. For Paul doth not fail in his cause, but courageously setteth the defense of his innocency against their false crimes. Furthermore, let us note that the wicked can never be bridled, but they will speak evil of good men, and will impudently slander them; for they resemble the nature of Satan, by whose spirit they are led. Therefore, whereas we be commanded to stop the mouth of the wicked, it must not be so taken as if he shall be free from all backbiting, − ⁵⁹⁸ whosoever shall behave himself uprightly, but that our life may answer for us, and may wipe away all blots of false infamy. So we see the adversaries of Paul, though they had a favorable judge, yet their slanders were all in vain, seeing he did defend and avouch his innocency by his deeds. And yet it is likely that they wanted not false witnesses, neither were they slack in suborning them; but because the Lord giveth his servants invincible strength, so that the brightness of honesty doth drive away their vain clouds; they are ashamed, and at length they depart from the judgment-seat with this infamy, that they were false accusers. But the defense of Paul doth show what things the Jews laid principally to his charge. The first crime was ungodliness against God, that he overthrew the law and polluted the temple; the other, rebellion against Caesar and the Roman empire, because he raised tumults everywhere. He was helped by the singular grace of God to answer and refute both, who maketh the innocence of his as bright as the morning.

9.And Festus Whether Festus knew somewhat of their laying await, (which we may well conjecture) or whether he were altogether ignorant thereof, he dealeth unjustly with Paul; and we see how soon those are drawn unto all corruption which are not guided by the Spirit of God. For Festus doth not openly contemn or hate Paul; but ambition, and peradventure also desire of gain, got the upper hand, so that, for pleasing the other part, he doth unjustly bring him in danger of death; also, it is likely that he was enticed with the smell [hope] of some reward to hearken so courteously to the priests. Notwithstanding, I marvel that he giveth Paul leave to choose, and doth not rather, according to this authority, command them to carry him whether he would or no. Surely we gather that he was kept back with fear, lest he should infringe the privilege of the city of Rome, − ⁵⁹⁹ which was a very odious crime. Notwithstanding, he studied craftily to persuade Paul not to refuse to be judged at Jerusalem. For he was not ignorant of that which indeed came to pass, that a citizen of Rome might lawfully appeal, so that he could then go no farther. Nevertheless, it was no thank to him that he was not delivered into the hands of murderers. − ⁶⁰⁰ −

10.I stand at Caesar’s judgment-seat Because Paul seeth that he is betrayed into the hands of the Jews through the ambition of the governor, he objecteth the privilege of the city of Rome. He had submitted himself modestly, if he had commanded him to do − ⁶⁰¹ that which was just and equal. Now, because the governor doth not his duty willingly, necessity compelleth the holy man to defend himself by law; and by this means the Lord delivereth him now again, even when he was almost given over into the hands of the enemies. And whereas he desireth to have his matter handled before Caesar’s judgment-seat, he doth not, therefore, make the doctrine of the gospel subject to the judgment of a profane and wicked man; but being ready to give an account of his faith everywhere, he appealeth from that court where he could no longer hope for equity. Furthermore, though the citizens of Rome did retain their privilege, yet the order was then altered, because the Caesars had taken into their own hands the judging of the people, − ⁶⁰² as if they would be good maintainers and patrons of common liberty. −

To the Jews have I done Because those whose consciences do accuse them, and which mistrust their matter, fly unto certain odd excuses and exceptions, Paul turneth away from himself this opinion. And surely the ministers of Christ ought to have no less care to make their innocency known than to save their life. If Paul had flatly denied to answer for himself, the enemies would have triumphed, and the doubtfulness of an evil conscience should have been objected to him to the reproach of the gospel. But now when he citeth the governor himself to be a witness of his integrity, and doth refuse no punishment if he should be found guilty, he cutteth off all occasion of slanderous reports. Therefore, he showeth that he doth not seek to save himself by turning his back, − ⁶⁰³ but flyeth unto the fortress of a just defense, that he may there save himself from injury, seeing his adversaries have hitherto handled him unjustly; and now refusing to deal with him any longer by law, they go about to have him murdered. Neither doth Paul go behind the president’s back to tell him that he doth unjustly, in that he doth so dally with his accusers; and therewithal he doth, as it were, bridle his lust, so that he dare go no farther. −

11.I appeal unto Caesar After that he hath professed that he doth not refuse to die if he be found guilty, he freely useth such helps as he could find at the hands of men. Wherefore, if we be at any time brought into like straits, we must not be superstitious, but we may crave help of the laws and politic order. Because it is written, that magistrates are made and appointed by God to the praise of the godly ( Rom 13:3; and 1Pe 2:13). Neither was Paul afraid to go to law under an unbelieving judge; for he which appealeth commenceth a new action. −

Therefore, let us know that God, who hath appointed judgment-seats, doth also grant liberty to his to use the same lawfully. Therefore, those mistake Paul who think that he doth flatly condemn the Corinthians, ( 1Co 6:1) because they require help of the magistrate for defense of their right, seeing he reproveth in that place a manifest fault, to wit, because they could suffer no wrong, and because they were too much set upon suing one another, whereby they caused the gospel to be evil spoken of. −

12.Festus having talked with the council The governors did use to have certain of the chief citizens which did attend upon them, and sat with them in judgment, that they might decree nothing without the consent of the council. Furthermore, it doth seem that Festus pronounced this with indignation, when he said interrogatively, Hast thou appealed to Caesar? to wit, because it grieved him that he could not do the Jews such a pleasure as he desired; though I leave that indifferent, because it is neither of any great importance, and it leaneth only to a conjecture.

13.And after certain days This long narration tendeth to this end, that we may know that though the handling of the cause were broken off, yet were Paul’s bands famous; and that he was nevertheless brought out of prison, that he might make profession of his faith, and dispute touching the gospel before a famous auditory; and again, that though he were contemned, yet was he not counted a wicked person, lest the glory of Christ should be abased by his slander and reproach, yea, that he had more liberty to preach the gospel being in prison, than if he had lived free in a private house. −

King Agrippa and Bernice It is certain that this Agrippa was son to Agrippa the elder, whose filthy and detestable death was set down in the twelfth chapter. When this man was made king of Chalcis, in his uncle’s stead, after the decease of his father, he did afterward obtain a more large dominion. − ⁶⁰⁴ Bernice, of whom mention is made in this place, was his own natural sister, which was first married to Herod; king of Chalcis, her uncle, and did keep herself widow a certain season after his death, yet she did not live honestly and chastely during that time; for her great familiarity with her brother Agrippa was suspected. And to the end she might not be counted an incestuous person, she married with Polemon, king of Cilicia. Notwithstanding, because she gave herself more to lust than to chastity, she forsook him. The historiographers do nowhere say that she was her brother’s wife; and Josephus, in his Life, assigned her a dominion of her own in part of Galilee. Therefore, it is to be thought that forasmuch as they were hardened in their wickedness, they dwelt together, not regarding what men did say; yet did they abstain from marriage, lest their incestuous marriage should betray and also augment their crime. Neither is it any marvel that he came for honor’s sake to salute the governor, who did reign only at the will and pleasure of another, and did depend upon the beck and favor of the Emperor of Rome, which he was to retain and nourish by means of the governor. −

14.When many days Therefore, when (after some time was spent) they wanted matter of talk, as idle men use to invent somewhat whereon they may talk, mention was made of Paul; for Luke meant to note that, when he said that after many days were idly spent, Festus told the king of a certain man which lay bound. And although he doth here both touch the malice of the priests, and also make a show of wonderful equity on his part, yet in that he shortly after cleareth the party which was accused, he condemneth himself unawares, when as he confesseth that he was enforced to appeal that he might not be carried to Jerusalem. −

But when Festus commendeth the Romans, he showeth what doth beseem judges. And if nature did tell profane men thus much, that they must admit no such favor as may oppress the guiltless, how much more must judges (who have the light of the word of God) be careful to avoid all corruption. −

18.They laid no such crime to his charge I marvel why Festus doth say, that there was no such crime objected to Paul as he supposed, seeing he was accused of sedition; but we may again conjecture by this, yea, plainly know, that their accusations were so vain, that they ought not to have been brought before the judgment-seat; as if a man did utter a slanderous speech unadvisedly. For which cause he saith, that the state of the cause did consist in questions of the law. Therefore, we see that he putteth a difference between those offenses which were wont to be punished by man’s laws, and the controversy which was between Paul and the Jews; not that the religion ought to be corrupted freely, − ⁶⁰⁵ or that their malapertness is tolerable, who overthrow the worship of God with their own inventions; but because the man being a Roman, cared not for Moses’ law; therefore he speaketh so disdainfully when he saith, that they did strive about their superstition; though this word δεισιδαιμονια be taken of the Grecians, as well in good as evil part; to wit, because the worshipping of false gods was common in all places. Notwithstanding, his meaning is, that he careth not what manner of religion the Jews have. And no marvel if a man which was an ethnic, [heathen] and had not learned that the rule of godliness must be fet [sought] from the mouth of God, know not how to distinguish between the pure worship of God and superstitions. −

Wherefore, we must hold fast that mark whereby we may discern the one from the other, that there is no godliness but that which is grounded in the knowledge of faith, lest we grabble [grope] in darkness. Moreover, the Romans were so drunken with prosperous success, that they thought that they were more acceptable to God than any other; as at this day the Turks, by reason of their manifold victories, deride the doctrine of Christ. This was a lamentable case, that a man being an unbeliever and idolater, sitteth as judge amidst the Jews, to give judgment of the sacred oracles of God according to his ignorance, but all the fault was in Paul’s adversaries, who did not care for the majesty of God, so they might satisfy and obey their own madness. Notwithstanding, there rested nothing for Paul to do, but to clear himself of those crimes which were laid against him. So at this day, though inward brawls, which are among Christians, do defame the name of Christ and his gospel among the Turks and Jews, yet the defenders of holy doctrine are unworthily blamed, which are enforced to enter the combat. −

Of one Jesus It is not to be doubted but that Paul intreated, both gravely and with such vehemency as became him, of the resurrection of Christ; but Festus, by reason of his pride, thought it no meet matter for him to occupy his head about. He doth not, indeed, openly deride Paul, but he showeth plainly how negligently he heard him when he disputed of Christ. Whereby we see how little preaching availeth, yea, that it availeth nothing at all, unless the Spirit of God do inwardly touch the hearts of men. For the wicked do lightly pass over whatsoever is spoken, as if a man should tell them a tale of Robin Hood. − ⁶⁰⁶ Wherefore, there is no cause why the carelessness of many should trouble us at this day, seeing Paul prevailed nothing with Festus. But this place doth witness that many speeches did pass in the handling of the matter, whereof Luke maketh no mention. For he had spoken nothing as yet of Christ, and yet this latter narration doth show that Paul intreated seriously before the Jews of his death and resurrection. Which could not be, but he must needs intreat of the principal points of the gospel. Therefore, I guess that Paul did so handle the matter, that when he had refuted the false accusations of the Jews, wherewith they went about to burden him before the governor, having gotten a fit occasion, he began afterward to speak freely of Christ.

22.I would also By this we may gather that Agrippa did so desire to hear Paul, that he was ashamed to make his desire known, lest Festus should think that he came for some other end than to salute him. And it may be that not only curiosity did move him to be desirous to hear Paul, but because he did hope to profit by hearing him. Notwithstanding, we may easily gather by this how cold his desire was, because he suffered many days to pass before he showeth any sign of his desire, because he was more in love with earthly commodities, which he counted better. Neither durst he make any words; neither did he pass for uttering any speech until such time as Festus did of his own accord will him so to do. So that the holy minister of Christ is brought forth as on a stage, that a profane man may cheer up his guest, save only that Festus will be holpen with the advice of Agrippa and his company, that he may let Caesar understand how diligent he is. But the matter was turned to another end by the secret providence of God. Neither need we doubt but that such report went abroad as made much for the confirmation of the godly; and it may be also that some of the hearers were touched, and did conceive seed of faith, which did afterward bring forth fruit in due time. But admit none of them did embrace Christ sincerely and from his heart, this was no small profit, that the unskillful were appeased after that the malice of the enemies was discovered, that they might not be inflamed with such hatred against the gospel. Impiety was made ashamed, and the faithful did gather new strength, so that they were confirmed more and more in the gospel. −

23.And on the morrow Agrippa and his sister do not come like humble disciples of Christ, but they bring with them such pomp and gorgeousness as may stop their ears and blind their eyes; and it is to be thought that like haughtiness of mind was joined with that gorgeous and great pomp. No marvel, therefore, if they were not brought to obey Christ. Notwithstanding, it seemeth that Luke maketh mention of the pomp, that we might know that, in a great assembly, and before choice witnesses, whose authority was great, Paul had leave granted not only to plead his matter as a party defendant, but also to preach the gospel. For he cometh forth as in the person of a teacher, that he may set forth the name of Christ. So that the truth of God brake out of his bands, which was forthwith spread abroad everywhere with a free course; yea, it came even unto us. By this word φαντασια, Luke understandeth that which we call commonly preparation or pomp. − ⁶⁰⁷ But there must other furniture be brought unto the spiritual marriage of Jesus Christ. −

26.That after examination had We cannot tell whether the governor, in acquitting Paul before them, doth seek by this policy to entice him to let his appeal fall. For it was a thing credible that he might easily be persuaded to lay away fear, and to submit himself to the judgment and discretion of a just judge, especially if Agrippa should give his friendly consent. To what end soever he did it, he condemneth himself of iniquity by his own mouth, in that he did not let a guiltless man go free whom he is now ashamed to send unto Caesar, having nothing to lay against him. This did also come to pass by the wonderful providence of God, that the Jews themselves should give a former judgment on Paul’s side. Peradventure, the governor goeth subtilely to work, that he may pick out what the king and the chief men of Cesarea do think, that if it so fall out that Paul be set at liberty, he may lay the blame on their necks. For he would not have the priests to be his enemies for nothing, upon whom a good part of Jerusalem did depend, and that was the best way that he could take in writing to Caesar to intermingle the authority of Agrippa. But the Lord (to whom it belongeth to govern events contrary to man’s expectation) had respect unto another thing, to wit, that when the clouds of false accusations were driven away, Paul might more freely avouch sound doctrine.

Festus served as governor of the province only two years before he died."

The Jews had blundered in accusing Paul of sedition and rebellion against the Roman empire. Paul, of course, denied this and there were no witnesses to prove any such charge. Nevertheless, this charge made it a Roman issue rather than one merely of the Jews' religion, so Paul as a Roman citizen had the right to appeal to the highest tribunal, that is, the emperor (Act 25:11)."

Agrippa was actually Herod Agrippa II, son of Herod Agrippa I, and Bernice was his sister. He had been appointed king of the region around the sea of Galilee, adjacent to the province of Judaea, by the emperor Nero, who had recently acceded to the throne of the empire."

Governor Festus was at a complete loss as to what to report to the emperor. He could find no reason to continue to hold Paul. King Agrippa also could not charge Paul (Act 26:32), yet the Jews had demanded Paul's life, and Paul had appealed to Caesar. Festus could not even fathom the significance of the Jews' complaint, though he seemed at least to understand the facts (Act 25:19). He was required, in his report, to specify the crimes of which the prisoner was accused, but he could not pinpoint any crimes (Act 25:27)."

Agrippa, with his family background and being part Jew himself, knew more about the Jews' religion than Festus did, and indeed had made considerable study of it on his own (Act 26:3). Festus therefore hoped Agrippa's advice could somehow solve his dilemma."

into : Act 23:34

the province : By the province, Judea is meant; for after the death of Herod Agrippa, Claudius thought it imprudent to trust the government in the hands of his son Agrippa, who was then but seventeen years of age; and therefore, Cuspius Fadus was sent to be procurator. And when afterwards Claudius had given to Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, he nevertheless kept the province of Judea in his own hands, and governed it by procurators sent from Rome.

he : Act 25:5, Act 18:22, Act 21:15

Act 25:15, Act 24:1; Job 31:31; Pro 4:16; Rom 3:12-19

desired : Act 9:2; 1Sa 23:19-21; Jer 38:4; Mar 6:23-25; Luke 23:8-24

laying : Act 23:12-15, Act 26:9-11; Psa 37:32, Psa 37:33, Psa 64:2-6, Psa 140:1-5; Jer 18:18; Joh 16:3; Rom 3:8

them : Act 25:16, Act 23:30, Act 24:8

if : Act 25:18, Act 25:19, Act 25:25, Act 18:14; 1Sa 24:11, 1Sa 24:12; Psa 7:3-5; Joh 18:29, Joh 18:30

more than ten days : or, as some copies read no more than eight or ten days

sitting : Act 25:10,Act 25:17, Act 18:12-17; Mat 27:19; Joh 19:13; 2Co 5:10; Jam 2:6

and laid : Act 25:24, Act 21:28, Act 24:5, Act 24:6, Act 24:13; Ezr 4:15; Est 3:8; Psa 27:12, Psa 35:11; Mat 5:11, Mat 5:12; Mat 26:60-62; Mar 15:3, Mar 15:4; Luk 23:2, Luk 23:10; 1Pe 4:14-16

Neither : Act 25:10, Act 6:13, Act 6:14, Act 23:1, Act 24:6, Act 24:12, Act 24:17-21, Act 28:17, Act 28:21; Gen 40:15; Jer 37:18; Dan 6:22; 2Co 1:12

willing : Act 25:3, Act 25:20, Act 12:3, Act 24:27; Mar 15:15

I stand : Every procurator represented the emperor in the province over which he presided; and as the seat of government was at Cesarea, St. Paul was before the tribunal where, as a Roman citizen, he ought to be judged. Act 16:37, Act 16:38, Act 22:25-28

as thou : Act 25:25, Act 23:29, Act 26:31, Act 28:18; Mat 27:18, Mat 27:23, Mat 27:24; 2Co 4:2

if I : Act 18:14; Jos 22:22; 1Sa 12:3-5; Job 31:21, Job 31:38-40; Psa 7:3-5

no man : Act 16:37, Act 22:25; 1Th 2:15

I appeal : An appeal to the emperor was the right of a Roman citizen, and was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Cesar. This law was so sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens, who were proved to have turned Christians, but determined to send them to Rome, probably because they had appealed. Act 25:10,Act 25:25, Act 26:32, Act 28:19; 1Sa 27:1

unto Caesar shalt : Act 25:21, Act 19:21, Act 23:11, Act 26:32, Act 27:1, Act 28:16; Psa 76:10; Isa 46:10,Isa 46:11; Lam 3:37; Dan 4:35; Rom 15:28, Rom 15:29; Phi 1:12-14, Phi 1:20

king : Act 25:22, Act 25:23, Act 26:1, Act 26:27, Act 26:28

unto : 1Sa 13:10, 1Sa 25:14; 2Sa 8:10; 2Ki 10:13; Mar 15:18

There : Act 24:27

when : Act 25:1-3; Est 3:9; Luk 18:3-5, Luk 23:23

It is not : Act 25:4, Act 25:5

and have : Act 26:1; Deu 17:4, Deu 19:17, Deu 19:18; Pro 18:13, Pro 18:17; Joh 7:51

without : Act 25:6

certain : Act 25:7, Act 18:15, Act 18:19, Act 23:29

superstition : Act 17:22, Act 17:23

which : Act 1:22, Act 2:32, Act 17:31, Act 26:22, Act 26:23; 1Co 15:3, 1Co 15:4, 1Co 15:14-20; Rev 1:18

doubted of such manner of questions : or, was doubtful how to enquire hereof, etc

I asked : Act 25:9

had : Act 25:10, Act 26:32; 2Ti 4:16

hearing : or, judgment

Augustus : Act 27:1; Luk 2:1

I commanded : Act 25:12

Act 9:15; Isa 52:15; Mat 10:18; Luk 21:12

with : Act 12:21; Est 1:4; Ecc 1:2; Isa 5:14, Isa 14:11; Eze 7:24, Eze 30:18, Eze 32:12, Eze 33:28; Dan 4:30; 1Co 7:31; Jam 1:11; 1Pe 1:24; 1Jo 2:16

at : Act 9:15

King Agrippa : King Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa; who upon the death of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, ad 28, succeeded to his dominions, by the favour of the emperor Claudius. Four years afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one; giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, that of Lysanias, and the province which Varus governed. Nero afterwards added Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea, and Tiberias. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Josephus. He was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling; and when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted at the siege of Jerusalem. After the ruin of his country, he retired with his sister Berenice to Rome where he died, aged 70, about ad 90.

about : Act 25:2, Act 25:3, Act 25:7

that he : Act 22:22; Luk 23:21-23

committed : Act 23:9, Act 23:29, Act 26:31; Luk 23:4, Luk 23:14; Joh 18:38

and that : Act 25:11, Act 25:12

Augustus : The honourable title of Σεβαστος [Strong’ s G4575], or Augustus, that is venerable or august, which was first conferred by the senate on Octavius Caesar, was afterwards assumed by succeeding Roman emperors.

specially : Act 26:2, Act 26:3

Now when Festus was come - See the notes on Act 24:27.

Into the province - The province of Judea; for Judea at that time was a Roman province.

After three days - Having remained three days at Caesarea.

He ascended - This was the usual language in describing a journey to Jerusalem. Thus, the English people speak of going up to London, because it is the capital. See the notes on Act 15:1.

To Jerusalem - The governors of Judea at this time usually resided at Caesarea; but as Jerusalem had been the former capital; as it was still the seat of the religious solemni ties; as the Sanhedrin held its meetings there; and as the great, and rich, and learned men, and the priests resided there, it is evident that a full knowledge of the state of the province could be obtained only there. Festus, therefore, having entered upon the duties of his office, early went to Jerusalem to make himself acquainted with the affairs of the nation.

Then the high priest - The high priest at this time was Ismael, the son of Fabi. He had been promoted to that office by Agrippa (Josephus, Antiq. , book 20, chapter 8, section 8). It is probable, however, that the person here intended was Ananias, who had been high priest, and who would retain the name. See the notes on Act 23:2. Some mss. read "high priests"here in the plural number, and this reading is approved by Mill and Griesbach. There is, however, no improbability in supposing that the high priest Ismael might have been also as much enraged against Paul as the others.

Informed him against Paul - Informed him of the accusation against him, and doubtless endeavored to prejudice the mind of Festus against him. They thus showed their unrelenting disposition. It might have been supposed that after two years this unjust prosecution would be abandoned and forgotten. But malice does not thus forget its object, and the spirit of persecution is not thus satisfied. It is evident that there was here every probability that injustice would be done to Paul, and that the mind of Festus would be biased against him. He was a stranger to Paul, and to the embittered feelings of the Jewish character. He would wish to conciliate their favor upon entering into the duties of his office. A strong representation, therefore, made by the chief men of the nation, would be likely to prejudice him violently against Paul, and to unfit him for the exercise of impartial justice.

And desired favour against him - Desired the favor of Festus, that they might accomplish their wicked purpose on Paul.

Would send for him to Jerusalem - Probably under a pretence that he might be tried by the Sanhedrin; or perhaps they wished Festus to hear the cause there, and to decide it while he was at Jerusalem. Their real motive is immediately stated.

Laying wait in the way to kill him - That is, they would lie in wait, or they would employ a band of Sicarii, or assassins, to take his life on the journey. See the notes on Act 21:38; Act 23:12. It is altogether probable that if this request had been granted, Paul would have been killed. But God had promised him that he should bear witness to the truth at Rome Act 23:11, and his providence was remarkable in thus influencing the mind of the Roman governor, and defeating the plans of the Jewish council.

But Festus answered ... - What induced Festus to refuse their request is not known. It is probable, however, that he was apprised that Paul was a Roman citizen, and that his case could not come before the Jewish Sanhedrin, but must be heard by himself. As Caesarea was also at that time the residence of the Roman governor, and the place of holding the courts, and as Paul was lodged there safely, there did not appear to be any sufficient reason for removing him to Jerusalem for trial. Festus, however, granted them all that they could reasonably ask, and assured them that he should have a speedy trial.

Which among you are able - Enjoy all the advantages of just trial, and exhibit your accusations with all the learning and talent in your power. This was all that they could reasonably ask at his hands.

More than ten days - See the margin. The Syriac reads it, "eight or ten."The Vulgate, "not more than eight or ten."The Coptic, "eight or ten."Griesbach supposes this to be the true reading, and has admitted it into the text.

Sitting in the judgment seat - On the tribunal; or holding a court for the trial of Paul.

Commanded Paul to be brought - To be brought up for trial. He had been secured, but was placed in the care of a soldier, who was commanded to let him have all the freedom that was consistent with his security.

Grievous complaints - Heavy accusations. Doubtless the same with which they had charged him before Felix, Act 24:5-6. Compare Act 25:19.

Which they could not prove - Act 24:13, Act 24:19.

While he answered ... - See this answer more at length in Act 24:10-21. As the accusations against him were the same now as then, he made to them the same reply.

But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure - Desirous of securing their favor, as he had just entered on his administration. Compare Act 24:27. In this he evinced rather a desire of popularity than an inclination to do justice. Had he been disposed to do right at once, he would have immediately discharged Paul. Festus perceived that the case was one that did not come fairly within the jurisdiction of a Roman magistrate; that it pertained solely to the customs and questions among the Jews Act 25:18-20; and he therefore proposed that the case should be tried before him at Jerusalem. It is remarkable, however, that he had such a sense of justice and law as not to suffer the case to go out of his own hands. He proposed still to hear the cause, but asked Paul whether he was willing that it should be tried at Jerusalem. As the question which he asked Paul was one on which he was at liberty to take his own course, and as Paul had no reason to expect that his going to Jerusalem would facilitate the cause of justice, it is not remarkable that he declined the offer, as perhaps Festus supposed he would.

Then said Paul ... - The reasons why Paul declined the proposal to be tried at Jerusalem are obvious. He had experienced so much violent persecution from his countrymen, and their minds were so full of prejudice, misconception, and enmity, that he had neither justice nor favor to hope at them hands. He knew, too, that they had formerly plotted against his life, and that he had been removed to Caesarea for the purpose of safety. It would be madness and folly to throw himself again into their hands, or to give them another opportunity to form a plan against his life. As he was, therefore, under no obligation to return to Jerusalem, and as Festus did not propose it because it could be supposed that justice would be promoted by it, but to gratify the Jews, Paul prudently declined the proposal, and appealed to the Roman emperor.

I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat - The Roman emperors after Julius Caesar were all called "Caesar"; thus, Augustus Caesar, Claudius Caesar, etc., as all the kings of Egypt were called "Pharaoh,"though they each had his proper name, as Pharaoh Necho, etc. The emperor at this time (60 a.d.) was Nero, one of the most cruel and impious men that ever sat on a throne. It was under him that Paul was afterward beheaded. When Paul says, "I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat,"he means to say that he regarded the tribunal before which he then stood, and on which Festus sat, as really the judgment seat of Caesar. The procurator, or governor, held his commission from the Roman emperor, and it was, in fact, his tribunal. The reason why Paul made this declaration may be thus expressed: "I am a Roman citizen. I have a right to justice. I am under no obligation to put myself again in the hands of the Jews. I have a right to a fair and impartial trial; and I claim the protection and privileges which all Roman citizens have before their tribunals - the right of a fair and just trial."It was, therefore, a severe rebuke of Festus for proposing to depart from the known justice of the Roman laws, and, for the sake of popularity, proposing to him to put himself in the hands of his enemies.

Where I ought to be judged - Where I have a right to demand and expect justice. I have a right to be tried where courts are usually held, and according to all the forms of equity which are usually observed.

Have I done no wrong - I have not injured their persons, property, character, or religion. This was a bold appeal, which his consciousness of innocence and the whole course of proceedings enabled him to make without the possibility of their gainsaying it.

As thou very well knowest - Festus knew, probably, that Paul had been tried by Felix, and that nothing was proved against him. He had now seen the spirit of the Jews, and the cause why they arraigned him. He had given Paul a trial, and had called on the Jews to adduce their "able"men to accuse him, and after all nothing had been proved against him. Festus knew, therefore, that he was innocent. This abundantly appears also from his own confession, Act 25:18-19. As he knew this, and as Festus was proposing to depart from the regular course of justice for the sake of popularity, it was proper for Paul to use the strong language of rebuke, and to claim what he knew Festus did not dare to deny him, the protection of the Roman laws. Conscious innocence may be bold; and Christians have a right to insist on impartial justice and the protection of the laws. Alas! how many magistrates there have been like Festus, who, when Christians have been arraigned before them, have been fully satisfied of their innocence, but who, for the sake of popularity, have departed from all the rules of law and all the claims of justice.

For if I be an offender - If I have injured the Jews so as to deserve death. If it can be proved that I have done injury to anyone.

I refuse not to die - I have no wish to escape justice. I do not wish to evade the laws, or to take advantage of any circumstances to screen me from just punishment. Paul’ s whole course showed that this was the noble spirit which actuated him. No true Christian wishes to escape from the laws. He will honor them, and not seek to evade them. But, like other people, he has rights; and he may and should insist that justice should be done.

No man may deliver me unto them - No man shall be allowed to do it. This bold and confident declaration Paul could make, because he knew what the law required, and he knew that Festus would not dare to deliver him up contrary to the law. Boldness is not incompatible with Christianity; and innocence, when its rights are invaded, is always bold. Jesus firmly asserted his rights when on trial Joh 18:23, and no man is under obligation to submit to be trampled on by an unjust tribunal in violation of the laws.

I appeal unto Caesar - I appeal to the man emperor, and carry my cause directly before him. By the Valerian, Porcian, and Sempronian laws, it had been enacted that if any magistrate should be about to beat, or to put to death any Roman citizen, the accused could appeal to the Roman people, and this appeal carried the cause to Rome. The law was so far changed under the emperors that the cause should be carried before the emperor instead of the people. Every citizen had the right of this appeal; and when it was made, the accused was sent to Rome for trial. Thus, Pliny Eph. 10, 97 says that those Christians who were accused, and who, being Roman citizens, appealed to Caesar, he sent to Rome to be tried. The reason why Paul made this appeal was that he saw that justice would not be done him by the Roman governor. He had been tried by Felix, and justice had been denied him, and he was detained a prisoner in violation of law, to gratify the Jews; he had now been tried by Festus, and saw that he was pursuing the same course; and he resolved, therefore, to assert his rights, and remove the cause far from Jerusalem, and from the prejudiced people in that city, at once to Rome. It was in this mysterious way that Paul’ s long-cherished desire to see the Roman church, and to preach the gospel there, was to be gratified. Compare notes on Rom 1:9-11. For this he had prayed long Rom 1:10; Rom 15:23-24, and now at length this purpose was to be fulfilled. God answers prayer, but it is often in a way which we little anticipate. He so orders the train of events; he so places us amidst a pressure of circumstances, that the desire is granted in a way Which we could never have anticipated, but which shows in the best manner that he is a hearer of prayer.

When he had conferred with the council - With his associate judges, or with those who were his counselors in the administration of justice. They were made up of the chief persons, probably military as well as civil, who were about him, and who were his assistants in the administration of the affairs of the province.

Unto Caesar shalt thou go - He was willing in this way to rid himself of the trial, and of the vexation attending it. He did not dare to deliver him to the Jews in violation of the Roman laws, and he was not willing to do justice to Paul, and thus make himself unpopular with the Jews. He was, therefore, probably rejoiced at the opportunity of thus freeing himself from all the trouble in the case in a manner against which none could object.

After certain days, king Agrippa - This Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa Act 12:1, and great-grandson of Herod the Great. His mother’ s name was Cypros (Josephus, Jewish Wars , book 2, chapter 11, section 6). When his father died he was at Rome with the Emperor Claudius. Josephus says that the emperor was inclined to bestow upon him all his father’ s dominions, but was dissuaded by his ministers. The reason of this was, that it was thought imprudent to bestow so large a kingdom on so young a man, and one so inexperienced. Accordingly, Claudius sent Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea and of the entire kingdom (Josephus, Antiq. , book 19, chapter 9, section 2). When Herod, the brother of his father, Agrippa the Great, died in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius, his kingdom - the kingdom of Chalcis - was bestowed by Claudius on Agrippa (Josephus, Antiq. , book 20, chapter 5, section 2). Afterward, he bestowed on him the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added to it Trachonitis with Abila ( Antiq. , book 20, chapter 7, section 1). After the death of Claudius, Nero, his successor, added to his dominions Julias in Perea and a part of Galilee. Agrippa had been brought up at Rome, and was strongly attached to the Romans. When the troubles commenced in Judea which ended in the destruction of Jerusalem, he did all that he could to preserve peace and order, but in vain. He afterward joined his troops with those of the Romans, and assisted them at the destruction of Jerusalem. After the captivity of that city he went to Rome with his sister Bernice, where he ended his days. He died at the age of seventy years, about 90 a.d. His manner of living with his sister gave occasion to reports respecting him very little to his advantage.

And Bernice - She was sister of Agrippa. She had been married to Herod, king of Chalcis, her own uncle by her father’ s side. After his death she proposed to Polemon, king of Pontus and part of Cilicia, that if he would become circumcised she would marry him. He complied, but she did not continue long with him. After she left him she returned to her brother Agrippa, with whom she lived in a manner such as to excite scandal. Josephus directly charges her with incest with her brother Agrippa ( Antiq. , book 20, chapter 7, section 3).

To salute Festus - To show him respect as the governor of Judea.

Festus declared Paul’ s cause - He did this, probably, because Agrippa, being a Jew, would be supposed to he interested in the case. It was natural that this trial should be a topic of conversation, and perhaps Festus might be disposed to ask what was proper to be done in such cases.

Left in bonds - Greek: "a prisoner"- δέσμιος desmios . He was left in custody, probably in the keeping of a soldier, Act 24:23, Act 24:27.

About whom ... - See Act 25:1-5.

To have judgment against him - To have him condemned.

It is not the manner ... - He here states the reasons which he gave the Jews for not delivering Paul into their hands. In Act 25:4-5, we have an account of the fact that he would not accede to the requests of the Jews; and he here states that the reason of his refusal was that it was contrary to the Roman law. Appian, in his Roman History, says, "It is not their custom to condemn men before they are heard."Philo (DePraesi. Rom.) says the same thing. In Tacitus (History, ii.) it is said, "A defendant is not to be prohibited from adducing all things by which his innocence may be established."It was for this that the equity of the Roman jurisprudence was celebrated throughout the world. We may remark that it is a subject of sincere gratitude to the God of our nation that this privilege is enjoyed in the highest perfection in this land. It is a right which every man has: to be heard; to know the charges against him; to be confronted with the witnesses; to make his defense; and to be tried by the laws, and not by the passions and caprices of people. In this respect our jurisprudence surpasses all that Rome ever enjoyed, and is not inferior to that of the most favored nation of the earth.

To deliver - To give him up as a favor χαρίζεσθαι charizesthai to popular clamor and caprice. Yet our Saviour, in violation of the Roman laws, was thus given up by Pilate, Mat 27:18-25.

Have the accusers face to face - That he may know who they are and hear their accusations. Nothing contributes more to justice than this. Tyrants permit people to be accused without knowing who the accusers are, and without an opportunity of meeting the charges. It is one great principle of modern jurisprudence that the accused may know the accusers, and be permitted to confront the witnesses, and to adduce all the testimony possible in his own defense.

And have licence - Greek: "place of apology"- may have the liberty of defending himself.

Therefore when they were come hither ... - See Act 25:6.

None accusation ... - No charge as I expected of a breach of the peace; of a violation of the Roman law; of atrocious crime. It was natural that Festus should suppose that they would accuse Paul of some such offence. He had been arraigned before Felix; had been two years in custody; and the Jews were exceedingly violent against him. All this, Festus would presume, must have arisen from some flagrant and open violation of the laws.

But had certain questions - Certain inquiries, or litigated and disputed subjects; certain points of dispute in which they differed - ζητήματα τινα zētēmata tina .

Of their own superstition - δεισιδαιμονίας deisidaimonias . This word properly denotes "the worship or fear of demons"; but it was applied by the Greeks and Romans to the worship of their gods. It is the same word which is used in Act 17:22, where it is used in a good sense. See the notes on that place. There are two reasons for thinking that Festus used the word here in a good sense, and not in the sense in which we use the word "superstition":

(1) It was the word by which the worship of the Greeks and Romans, and, therefore, of Festus himself, was denoted, and he would naturally use it in a similar sense in applying it to the Jews. He would describe their worship in such language as he was accustomed to use when speaking of religion.

\caps1 (2) h\caps0 e knew that Agrippa was a Jew. Festus would not probably speak of the religion of his royal guest as superstition, but would speak of it with respect. He meant, therefore, to say simply that they had certain inquiries about their own religion, but accused him of no crime against the Roman laws.

And of one Jesus, which was dead - Greek: "of one dead Jesus."It is evident that Festus had no belief that Jesus had been raised up, and in this he would expect that Agrippa would concur with him. Paul had admitted that Jesus had been put to death, but he maintained that he had been raised from the dead. As Festus did not believe this, he spoke of it with the utmost contempt. "They had a dispute about one dead Jesus, whom Paul affirmed to be alive."In this manner a Roman magistrate could speak of this glorious truth of the Christian religion, and this shows the spirit with which the great mass of philosophers and statesmen regarded its doctrines.

And because I doubted of such manner of questions - See the margin. Because I hesitated about the right way of disposing of them; because I was ignorant of their nature and bearing, I proposed to go to Jerusalem, that the matter might be there more fully investigated. It is obvious, that if Paul was not found guilty of any violation of the laws, he should have been at once discharged. Some interpreters understand this as affirming that he was not satisfied about the question of Paul’ s innocence, or certain whether he ought to be set at liberty or not.

But when he had appealed - Act 25:11.

To be reserved - To be kept; not to be tried at Jerusalem, but to be sent to Rome for trial.

Unto the hearing - Margin, "the judgment."That Augustus might hear and decide the cause.

Of Augustus - The reigning emperor at this time was Nero. The name Augustus Σεβαστός Sebastos properly denotes "what is venerable, or worthy of honor and reverence."It was first applied to Caesar Octavianus, who was the Roman emperor in the time when our Saviour was born, and who is usually nailed Augustus Caesar. But the title continued to be used of his successors in office, as denoting the veneration or reverence which was due to the rank of emperor.

Then Agrippa said ... - Agrippa doubtless had heard much of the fame of Jesus, and of the new sect of Christians, and probably he was induced by mere curiosity to hear what Paul could say in explanation and defense of Christianity. This wish of Agrippa gave occasion to the noblest defense which was ever made before any tribunal, and to as splendid eloquence as can be found in any language. See Act 26:23.

With great pomp - Greek: "with much phantasy" φαντασίας phantasias ; with much show, parade, and splendor. It was an occasion on which he could exhibit much of the splendor of royalty, and he chose to do it.

Into the place of hearing - The court-room, or the place where the judges heard and tried causes.

With the chief captains - Greek: the chiliarchs; the commanders of 1,000 men. It means here that the military officers were assembled. "The principal men of the city."The civil officers, or the men of reputation and influence.

Have dealt with me - Have appeared before me, desiring me to try him. They have urged me to condemn him.

Crying ... - Compare Act 22:22. They had sought that he should be put to death.

Of whom - Respecting his character, opinions, and manner of life; and respecting the charges against him.

No certain thing - Nothing definite and well established. They had not accused Paul of any crime against the Roman laws; and Festus professes himself too ignorant of the customs of the Jews to inform the emperor distinctly of the nature of the charges and the subject of trial.

Unto my lord - To the emperor - to Caesar. This name Lord the Emperors Augustus and Tiberius had rejected, and would not suffer it to be applied to them. Suetonius (Life of Augustus, v. 53) says "the appellation of Lord he always abhorred as abominable and execrable."See also Suetonius’ Life of Tiberius, v. 27. The emperors that succeeded them, however, admitted the title, and suffered themselves to be called by this name. Nothing would be more satisfactory to Nero, the reigning emperor, than this title.

I might have somewhat to write - As Agrippa was a Jew, and was acquainted with the customs and doctrine of the Jews, Festus supposed that, after hearing Paul, he would be able to inform him of the exact nature of these charges, so that he could present the case intelligibly to the emperor.

Act 25:1-7 The Jews accuse Paul to Festus, first at Jerusalem,

and afterwards at Caesarea.

Act 25:8-12 He answereth for himself, and appealeth to Caesar;

his appeal is admitted.

Act 25:13-22 Festus being visited by king Agrippa openeth the

matter to him, who desireth to hear Paul.

Act 25:23-27 Paul is brought forth; Festus declareth he found

nothing in him worthy of death.

Province so the Romans called any country which they had conquered with their arms, and unto which they sent a governor, which at this time was Festus, being now set over Judea in Felix’ s room.

Caesarea had been the place of residence for the Roman governors, by reason of its strength and situation, in Act 23:23 .

The chief of the Jews the same who are called the elders, in Act 24:1 .

Informed him against Paul continued their accusation and prosecution of Paul. So restless is the rage and enmity, the adversaries of truth have against the professors of it.

Desired favour though it seems to have been but justice, that they might be allowed to try Paul for such crimes as were within their cognizance; yet that they might the more easily obtain their desire, they beg it as a favour.

Laying wait in the way to kill him which did worse become magistrates and priests than any men, to act thus against the law of nature, and to be sure also against the law of the land, to hire ruffians to assassinate Paul.

It is most probable that Festus had been informed by Felix of the Jews’ malice against Paul; for Felix having been accused by the Jews unto the emperor, might be supposed to have recriminated wheresoever he had any opportunity; and in all the time of his government they were not guilty of a worse fact than their design against Paul, it being sedition, and intended murder of one who had the privilege of a Roman citizen.

He himself would depart shortly thither the governors kept their courts wheresoever they came.

Which among you are able fit to prosecute Paul in your behalf; as Tertullus was, whom the Jews had carried with them formerly, Act 24:1 .

Go down with me because Jerusalem was in a mountainous part of the country, and much of it built upon a hill.

Wickedness the word properly signifies a foolish thing; but it is also taken for a wicked thing; all sin being folly, and grace wisdom; as they are frequently called in Scripture, though the world hath another opinion of them, many abhorring to be accounted fools, and yet are not though they appear most wicked.

More than ten days the margin gives an account of a diverse reading, unto which might be added another, viz. eight or ten days; which reading many follow, and is according unto the usual expression of such a short space of time, which need not to be exactly set down. Thus though God hath provided so, as there is little or no variety in setting down those truths or doctrines in Scripture which concern faith and manners, or our believing and holy living; yet in circumstances which (though they pertain to complete the history or genealogies in Scripture) are not necessary to be so exactly known, God left them not so, designed to exercise us in this state, wherein we know but in part, 1Co 13:9. Fundamental truths are not of such a depth but a lamb may wade or walk in them; but there are less material things of such a profundity, that an elephant may swim in them, and men of the highest understanding and deepest reach must cry out, w Bayov .

When he was come the judge sat, and the prisoner brought.

The Jews which came down from Jerusalem his accusers, which were many, and came with a full cry against him,

stood round about him, or about the judgment seat.

Many and grievous complaints what these accusations were, appears in the next verse by Paul’ s answer; but they could not demonstrate them, or make them evident; and if it were sufficient to accuse, no man could be innocent.

Paul answers unto the three crimes which he was charged with:

1. He had not offended against the law, having been always a religious observer of it: nor:

2. Against the temple, which he went into devoutly, and upon a religious account: nor:

3. Against Caesar; having never taught any rebellion, nor said or done any thing against his government.

Willing to do the Jews a pleasure as his predecessor, Felix, before him, Act 24:27 , to gain popular applause, and the good will of that nation; especially Felix having been displaced upon the complaint of the Jews against him.

Answered or spake to Paul; as Act 3:12 .

Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, &c.: Festus apparently inclines to favour the Jews, though he does not command, but ask this of Paul; he being privileged as a Roman, could not against his will be forced to acknowledge the Jews for competent judges.

Paul might justly suspect his judges, and the place where they would have him judged, and also his journey thither, knowing with what difficulty, and not without a great guard, he came from thence.

I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat he was now before Caesar’ s tribunal, whose vicegerent Festus was; and he only ought to judge a Roman citizen.

As thou very well knowest Festus might know that Paul had done the Jews no wrong, from the relation Felix had made unto him, as also from such as were with Felix when Paul’ s case was heard.

If I be an offender if I have injured the Jews, and my fault be worthy of death such as by law deserves death, I beg no favour.

No man may deliver me unto them according to law, (which the Romans did punctually observe), before sentence was passed.

I appeal unto Caesar: it was lawful for any that had that privilege of the Roman citizens, to appeal; neither might they be tried against their wills in any province out of Rome. Now Paul might appeal unto Caesar:

1. To make Caesar more favourable unto himself, and to other Christians.

2. Because he thought it more safe for himself and for the church.

3. He was in part admonished to do it by Christ himself, who had told him that he must bear witness of him at Rome, Act 23:11 .

Conferred with the council either of the Jews, and those of the sanhedrim, that he might inform them of the law or custom of the Romans, and how that he could not but admit of St. Paul’ s appeal; or with his own council; it being usual with the Roman presidents to do nothing of moment without the advice of their council, or assistants.

Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? Or without an interrogation: Thou hast appealed unto Caesar; which Festus was glad of, that without danger on the one hand, or ill will on the other, he might get rid of that difficult business.

This Agrippa is called by Josephus, the younger, and was the son of Herod Agrippa, or Agrippa the Great, who in this book of the Acts is called Herod, whose death is mentioned, Act 12:23 . But this Agrippa was brother to Drusilla and Bernice, here spoken of, and lived in incest with her, whom Juvenal in his satire speaks of:

Barbarus incestae dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

Festus declared Paul’ s cause unto the king either amongst common discourse, or matter of novelty, and for the strangeness of it, or for his advice about it. Howsoever, by this means the wickedness of the Jews was published, and the safety of St. Paul provided for, and God’ s design of publishing the gospel at Rome itself furthered.

To wit, judgment of death upon Paul, that he might be sentenced according to the crimes they had laid against him; dikh being put for katadikh . Neither do they at all mind that St. Paul’ s case was not yet heard; they would rather have had him condemned unheard, as they had gotten our Saviour to be condemned, though the judge declared that he found no fault in him, Luk 23:4 ; which their unjust desire appears by Festus’ s answer.

To condemn any man indicta causa, without sufficient cause alleged and proved, is not only against the laws of the Romans, but of the Jews, Deu 17:4 ; nay, against the law of nature and of all nations. Yet malice had so far blinded the enemies of St. Paul, that they go about such things as a heathen reproves, and the very light of nature condemns.

Festus had gratified the Jews in what lawfully he might, not detaining them at charges from their habitations: and that not only commends Festus’ s own justice, but Paul’ s innocence; for if Paul had not appeared guiltless, he would have left him to the rage of the Jews, whom he desired to gratify what he could.

For Festus, knowing how Paul had been prosecuted by the Jews before Felix, and what charge they had been at, and what journeys they had made about him, could not think less than that he was a capital offender.

Superstition so this heathen governor profanely calls the religion and worship of God’ s own institution, and that in the presence of Agrippa and Bernice, who were both Jews, or, at least, brought up amongst them.

To be alive to have been raised again from the dead; acknowledging, with them, that he had been indeed dead.

Festus pretends, that he knew not by what rule those cases were to be decided, nor before what judges; whether before himself or the Jewish sanhedrim. But this is only his pretension: the true cause why he would not acquit Paul, though he knew him to be innocent, we read, Act 25:9 , viz. that he might do the Jews a pleasure. He asked Paul this question, Whether he would go to Jerusalem? But with a resolution to have sent him whether he would or not, had he not appealed; but then he durst not: for in certain cases none could hinder appeals, from any judge, to the people in the former times, or to their emperor in the latter times.

Augustus: the emperor who now reigned, and to whom Paul appealed, was Nero, who was called Augustus; this title being at first appropriated to Octavius, who succeeded Julius Caesar; but out of honour unto him, or because of its signification, it became an appellative, and was given unto all the emperors successively: nay, the emperor of Germany to this day is called Semper Augustus.

Caesar as from Octavius the emperors of Rome had the name of Augustus, so from the first emperor, Julius, they have the name of Caesars. This word Caesar, which was the proper name of the first emperor, is, in acknowledgment of him, made an appellative to all his successors.

Agrippa being well acquainted with the Jewish religion, if not a Jew, could not but have heard of our Saviour, his doctrine, death, and resurrection; and yet makes this desire but out of curiosity; as Herod desired to hear John Baptist, Mar 6:20 , and to see our Saviour, Luk 23:8 .

With great pomp the state, attire, and retinue used in this solemnity is much undervalued by the term the Holy Ghost here gives it (fantasia ); intimating, that all worldly glory is but in opinion and appearance merely, and that as a show it passeth away.

Paul was brought forth here is a great difference indeed between these great persons thus adorned and accompanied on the one side, and Paul, the prisoner, (desmiov , the chained, as he is called, Act 23:18 ), on the other side; yet holy Paul, with great reason, prefers his condition before theirs. He does not desire to partake with them in their ease and splendour, but with Christ in his disgrace and sufferings, Phi 3:10 .

Well might Paul be aghast, to be friendless in so great a multitude, and to be shown and pointed at as a monster, being made a spectacle unto the world, and to angels, and to men, as 1Co 4:9 . But he found surely the benefit and efficacy of that promise, Mat 28:20 , I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world.

The calumny of the Jews adds to the reputation of St. Paul: so many enemies, and so long in finding or making a fault that might reach his life, and yet to be disappointed! Paul and his religion are vindicated by the testimony of Lysias, the chief captain, Act 23:29 , and of Felix, the governor, Act 24:25 , and here by Festus, as afterwards by Agrippa too, Act 26:32 . So mighty is truth and innocence, that they do prevail sooner or later.

My lord Nero, the present emperor, whose deputy Festus was in this province; though some of the former emperors refused this name, as savouring of too much arbitratiness, the latter did accept of it.

Specially before thee Agrippa, being brought up in the knowledge of the Jewish law, though it was not his business to judge Paul’ s case, yet he might instruct and inform the judge about it.

Festus having arrived at his province, goes to Jerusalem to be inaugurated. The Jews took this opportunity of requesting St. Paul might be sent to Jerusalem, that they might accomplish the iniquitous purport of their vow. Such consequence did they attribute to the death of this one man, that they had no greater favour to ask of their new governor at his auspicious entry among them. (Tirinus)

It would appear, from their first request being peremptorily denied them, how little solicitous their governors were to please them. The successors of Felix and Festus were not better disposed than their predecessors. Their extortions and oppressions were pushed so far, that the Jews attempted at last to deliver themselves by rebellion, which proved their utter ruin and extripation. Indeed it was in vain to resist, for they already began to feel the truth of our Saviour's prediction, in their subjugation to the Gentiles. Josephus bears ample testimony to the fulfilment of the prophecy. (The Jewish War, lib. ii. chap 16. &c.) (Haydock)

Among you that are able. [1] It may signify, such as are powerful among you, or such as are able by health, and willing. (Witham)

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[BIBLIOGRAPHY]

Qui potentes estis, Greek: oi dunatoi en umin.

Paul making answer, [2] or his apology, by the Greek. In the Latin, giving an account. In like manner, (ver. 16.) have liberty given to defend himself; in the Greek, to make his apology. In the Latin, till he take a place of defending himself.

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[BIBLIOGRAPHY]

Paulo rationem reddente, Greek: apologoumenou. Ver. 16. Locum defendendi accipiat, Greek: topon apologias laboi.

St. Paul, seeing Festus only sought a plea to get rid of his cause, by putting it into the hands of the Sanhedrim, appeals to Cæsar. According to the ordinary rules of jurisprudence, appeals are only made after sentence is pronounced; but Roman citizens had a privilege of anticipating the sentence, when the judge did any thing contrary to justice; as Festus evidently did in this case, by wishing to deliver Paul, a Roman citizen, to the tribunal of his declared enemies, the Jews. The apostle knew he was secured by making this appeal: as the Roman law declared provincial governors violators of the public peace, who should either strike, or imprison, or put to death a Roman citizen, that appealed to the emperor. (Calmet) ---

Hence Pliny sent some Christians to Rome for this same reason, as he writes himself in his epistles. (Lib. x. ep. 97.) Fuerunt alii similis amentiæ, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos.

Agrippa. This was son of the king of the same name, who imprisoned St. Peter, and put St. James to death. Bernice was his sister, and one of the most infamous of women. Her character has merited her a place in one of Juvenal's satires, 5th.

Their own superstition. [3] Their particular religion, and manner of worshipping their God. (Witham)

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[BIBLIOGRAPHY]

De sua superstitione, Greek: peri tes idias deisidaimonias.

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Augustus Nero, who was then the Roman emperor.