I am standing before Caesar’ s judgment-seat ( Hestōs epi tou bēmatos Kaisaros eimi ).

Periphrastic present perfect indicative (hestōs eimi ), second perfect participle hestōs of histōmi (intransitive). Paul means to say that he is a Roman citizen before a Roman tribunal. Festus was the representative of Caesar and had no right to hand him over to a Jewish tribunal. Festus recognized this by saying to Paul "wilt thou"(theleis ).

Where I ought to be judged ( hou me dei krinesthai ).

Rather, "Where I must be judged,"for dei expresses necessity (it is necessary). Paul exposes the conduct of Festus with merciless precision.

As thou also very well knowest ( hōs kai su kallion epiginōskeis ).

"As thou also dost understand (hast additional knowledge, epiginōskeis ) better"(than thou art willing to admit). That this is Paul’ s meaning by the use of the comparative kallion (positive kalōs ) is made plain by the confession of Festus to Agrippa in Act 25:18. Paul says that Festus knows that he has done no wrong to the Jews at all (ouden ēdikēka ) and yet he is trying to turn him over to the wrath of the Jews in Jerusalem.

If I am a wrong-doer ( ei men oun adikō ).

Condition of the first class with ei and the present active indicative of adikeō (a privative and dikē ): "If I am in the habit of doing injustice,"assuming it to be true for the sake of argument.

And have committed anything worthy of death ( kai axion thanatou pepracha ).

Same condition with the difference in tense (pepracha , perfect active indicative) of a single case instead of a general habit. Assuming either or both Paul draws his conclusion.

I refuse not to die ( ou paraitoumai to apothanein ).

Old verb to ask alongside, to beg from, to deprecate, to refuse, to decline. See notes on Luk 14:18. Josephus ( Life , 29) has thanein ou paraitoumai . Here the articular second aorist active infinitive is in the accusative case the object of paraitoumai : "I do not beg off dying from myself."

But if none of these things is ( ei de ouden estin ).

Deuteronomy here is contrasted with men just before. No word for "true"in the Greek. Estin ("is") in the Greek here means "exists."Same condition (first class, assumed as true).

Whereof these accuse me ( hōn houtoi katēgorousin mou ).

Genitive of relative hon by attraction from ha (accusative with katēgorousin ) to case of the unexpressed antecedent toutōn ("of these things"). Mou is genitive of person after katēgorousin .

No man can give me up to them ( oudeis me dunatai autois charisasthai ).

"Can"legally. Paul is a Roman citizen and not even Festus can make a free gift (charisasthai ) of Paul to the Sanhedrin.

I appeal unto Caesar ( Kaisara epikaloumai ).

Technical phrase like Latin Caesarem appello . Originally the Roman law allowed an appeal from the magistrate to the people ( provocatio ad populum ), but the emperor represented the people and so the appeal to Caesar was the right of every Roman citizen. Paul had crossed the Rubicon on this point and so took his case out of the hands of dilatory provincial justice (really injustice). Roman citizens could make this appeal in capital offences. There would be expense connected with it, but better that with some hope than delay and certain death in Jerusalem. Festus was no better than Felix in his vacillation and desire to curry favour with the Jews at Paul’ s expense. No doubt Paul’ s long desire to see Rome (Act 19:21; Rom 15:22-28) and the promise of Jesus that he would see Rome (Act 23:11) played some part in Paul’ s decision. But he made it reluctantly for he says in Rome (Act 28:19): "I was constrained to appeal."But acquittal at the hands of Festus with the hope of going to Rome as a free man had vanished.

When he had conferred with the council ( sunlalēsas meta tou sumbouliou ).

The word sumboulion in the N.T. usually means "counsel"as in Mat 12:14, but here alone as an assembly of counsellors or council. But the papyri (Milligan and Moulton’ s Vocabulary ) furnish a number of instances of this sense of the word as "council."Here it apparently means the chief officers and personal retinue of the procurator, his assessors (assessores consiliarii ). These local advisers were a necessity. Some discretion was allowed the governor about granting the appeal. If the prisoner were a well-known robber or pirate, it could be refused.

Thou hast appealed unto Caesar ( Kaisara epikeklēsai ).

The same technical word, but the perfect tense of the indicative.

Unto Caesar thou shalt go ( epi Kaisara poreusēi ).

Perhaps the volitive future (Robertson, Grammar , p. 874). Bengel thinks that Festus sought to frighten Paul with these words. Knowling suggests that "they may have been uttered, if not with a sneer, yet with the implication ‘ thou little knowest what an appeal to Caesar means.’ "But embarrassment will come to Festus. He has refused to acquit this prisoner. Hence he must formulate charges against him to go before Caesar.

When certain days were passed ( Hēmerōn diagenomenon ).

Genitive absolute of diaginomai , to come between, "days intervening."

Agrippa the King ( Agrippas ho basileus ).

Agrippa II son of Agrippa I of Act 12:20-23. On the death of Herod King of Chalcis a.d. 48, Claudius a.d. 50 gave this Herod Agrippa II the throne of Chalcis so that Luke is correct in calling him king, though he is not king of Judea. But he was also given by Claudius the government of the temple and the right of appointing the high priest. Later he was given also the tetrarchies of Philip and Lysanias. He was the last Jewish king in Palestine, though not king of Judea. He angered the Jews by building his palace so as to overlook the temple and by frequent changes in the high priesthood. He made his capital at Caesarea Philippi which he called Neronias in honour of Nero. Titus visited it after the fall of Jerusalem.

Bernice ( Bernikē ).

He was her brother and yet she lived with him in shameful intimacy in spite of her marriage to her uncle Herod King of Chalcis and to Polemon King of Cilicia whom she left. Schuerer calls her both a Jewish bigot and a wanton. She afterwards became the mistress of Titus.

Arrived at Caesarea ( katēntēsan eis Kaisarian ).

Came down (first aorist active of katantaō ) to Caesarea from Jerusalem.

And saluted Festus ( aspasamenoi ton Phēston ).

The Textus Receptus has aspasomenoi the future participle, but the correct text is the aorist middle participle aspasamenoi which cannot possibly mean subsequent action as given in the Canterbury Revision "and saluted."It can only mean contemporaneous (simultaneous) action "saluting"or antecedent action like the margin "having saluted."But antecedent action is not possible here, so that simultaneous action is the only alternative. It is to be noted that the salutation synchronized with the arrival in Caesarea (note kata , down, the effective aorist tense), not with the departure from Jerusalem, nor with the whole journey. Rightly understood the aorist participle here gives no trouble at all (Robertson, Grammar , pp. 861-3).

Tarried ( dietribon ).

Imperfect active of diatribō , common verb for spending time (Act 12:19, etc.).

Many days ( pleious hēmeras ).

More days (than a few). Accusative case for extent of time.

Laid Paul’ s case ( anetheto ta kata ton Paulon ).

Second aorist middle indicative of anatithēmi , old verb to set before, to place up, as if for consultation in conference. Only twice in N.T. here and Gal 2:2. The motive of Festus is not given, though it was natural enough in view of the quandary of Festus about Paul (the things about Paul) and Agrippa’ s interest in and responsibility for Jewish worship in the temple in Jerusalem. It is quite possible that Festus had a bit of ennui over the visit of these Jewish dignitaries as "more days"went by. Hence the tone of Festus about Paul in this proposal for the entertainment of Agrippa and Bernice is certainly one of superficial and supremely supercilious indifference.

Left a prisoner ( katalelimmenos desmios ).

Perfect passive participle of kataleipō , to leave behind. Paul is one of Felix’ s left overs (left behind), a sort of "junk"left on his hands. This cowardly Roman procurator thus pictures the greatest of living men and the greatest preacher of all time to this profligate pair (brother and sister) of sinners. Undoubtedly today in certain circles Christ and his preachers are held up to like contempt.

Informed ( enephanisan ).

Same word as in Act 23:15, Act 23:22; Act 25:2 which see.

Asking for sentence against him ( aitoumenoi kat' autou katadikēn ).

Only N.T. example of this old word (penalty, fine, condemnation) from kata and dikē (justice against).

It is not the custom of the Romans ( hoti ouk estin ethos Rōmaiois ).

If a direct quotation, hoti is recitative as in Authorized Version. Canterbury Revision takes it as indirect discourse after apekrithēn (I answered), itself in a relative clause (pros hous ) with the present tense (estin , is) preserved as is usual. There is a touch of disdain (Furneaux) in the tone of Festus. He may refer to a demand of the Jews before they asked that Paul be brought to Jerusalem (Act 25:3). At any rate there is a tone of scorn towards the Jews.

Before that the accused have ( prin ē ho katēgoroumenos echoi ).

This use of the optative in this temporal clause with prin ē instead of the subjunctive an echēi is in conformity with literary Greek and occurs only in Luke’ s writings in the N.T. (Robertson, Grammar , p. 970). This sequence of modes is a mark of the literary style occasionally seen in Luke. It is interesting here to note the succession of dependent clauses in Act 25:14-16.

The accusers face to face ( kata prosōpon tous katēgorous ).

Same word katēgoros as in Act 23:30, Act 23:35; Act 25:18. This all sounds fair enough.

And have had opportunity to make his defence concerning the matter laid against him ( topon te apologias laboi peri tou egklēmatos ).

Literally, "And should receive (laboi optative for same reason as echoi above, second aorist active of lambanō ) opportunity for defence (objective genitive) concerning the charge"(egklēmatos in N.T. only here and Act 23:19 which see).

When they were come together here ( sunelthontōn enthade ).

Genitive absolute of second aorist active participle of sunerchomai , but without autōn (they), merely understood.

Delay ( anabolēn ).

Old word from anaballō , only here in N.T.||

Brought ( epheron ).

Imperfect active of pherō , referring to their repeated charges.

Of such evil things as I supposed ( hōn egō hupenooun ponērōn ).

Incorporation of the antecedent ponērōn into the relative clause and change of the case of the relative from the accusative ha object of hupenooun to the genitive like ponērōn (Robertson, Grammar , p. 719). Note the imperfect active hupenooun of huponoeō to emphasize Festus’ s state of mind about Paul before the trial. This old verb only three times in the N.T. (here, Act 13:25 which see; Act 27:27).

But had ( de eichon ).

Descriptive imperfect active of echō and de of contrast (but).

Concerning their own religion ( peri tēs idias deisidaimonias ).

See note on Act 17:22 for discussion of this word. Festus would hardly mean "superstition,"whatever he really thought, because Agrippa was a Jew.

And of one Jesus ( kai peri tinos Iēsou ).

This is the climax of supercilious scorn toward both Paul and "one Jesus."

Who was dead ( tethnēkotos ).

Perfect active participle of thnēskō agreeing with Iēsou (genitive). As being dead.

Whom Paul affirmed to be alive ( hon ephasken ho Paulos zēin ).

Imperfect active of phaskō , old form of phēmi to say, in the N.T. only here and Act 24:9; Rom 1:22. Infinitive zēin in indirect discourse with hon (whom) the accusative of general reference. With all his top-loftical airs Festus has here correctly stated the central point of Paul’ s preaching about Jesus as no longer dead, but living.

Being perplexed ( aporoumenos ).

Present middle participle of the common verb aporeō (a privative and poros way), to be in doubt which way to turn, already in Mar 6:20 which see and Luk 24:4. The Textus Receptus has eis after here, but critical text has only the accusative which this verb allows (Mar 6:20) as in Thucydides and Plato.

How to inquire concerning these things ( tēn peri toutōn zētēsin ).

Literally, "as to the inquiry concerning these things."This is not the reason given by Luke in Act 25:9(wanting to curry favour with the Jews), but doubtless this motive also actuated Festus as both could be true.

Whether he would go to Jerusalem ( ei bouloito poreuesthai eis Ierosoluma ).

Optative in indirect question after elegon (asked or said) imperfect active, though the present indicative could have been retained with change of person: "Dost thou wish, etc.,"(ei boulēi , etc.). See Robertson, Grammar , pp. 1031, 1044. This is the question put to Paul in Act 25:9though theleis is there used.

When Paul had appealed ( tou Paulou epikalesamenou ).

Genitive absolute with first aorist middle participle of epikaleomai , the technical word for appeal (Act 25:11, Act 25:12). The first aorist passive infinitive tērēthēnai (to be kept) is the object of the participle.

For the decision of the emperor ( eis tēn tou Sebastou diagnōsin ).

Diagnōsin (cf. diagnōsomai Act 24:22, I will determine) is the regular word for a legal examination (cognitio ), thorough sifting (dia ), here only in N.T. Instead of "the Emperor"it should be "the Augustus,"as Sebastos is simply the Greek translation of Augustus , the adjective (Revered, Reverent) assumed by Octavius b.c. 27 as the agnomen that summed up all his various offices instead of Rex so offensive to the Romans having led to the death of Julius Caesar. The successors of Octavius assumed Augustus as a title. The Greek term Sebastos has the notion of worship (cf. sebasma in Acts Act 17:25). In the N.T. only here, Act 25:25; Act 27:1 (of the legion). It was more imposing than "Caesar"which was originally a family name (always official in the N.T.) and it fell in with the tendency toward emperor-worship which later played such a large part in Roman life and which Christians opposed so bitterly. China is having a revival of this idea in the insistence on bowing three times to the picture of Sun-Yat-Sen.

Till I should send him to Caesar ( heōs an anapempsō auton pros Kaisara ).

Here anapempsō can be either future indicative or first aorist subjunctive (identical in first person singular), aorist subjunctive the usual construction with heōs for future time (Robertson, Grammar , p. 876). Literally, "send up"(ana ) to a superior (the emperor). Common in this sense in the papyri and Koiné[28928]š writers. Here "Caesar"is used as the title of Nero instead of "Augustus"as Kurios (Lord) occurs in Act 25:26.

I also could wish ( eboulomēn kai autos ).

The imperfect for courtesy, rather than the blunt boulomai , I wish, I want. Literally, "I myself also was wishing"(while you were talking), a compliment to the interesting story told by Festus. The use of an with the imperfect would really mean that he does not wish (a conclusion of the second class condition, determined as unfulfilled). An with the optative would show only a languid desire. The imperfect is keen enough and yet polite enough to leave the decision with Festus if inconvenient for any reason (Robertson, Grammar , pp. 885-7). Agrippa may have heard much about Christianity.

When Agrippa was come and Bernice ( elthontos tou Agrippa kai tēs Bernikēs ).

Genitive absolute, the participle agreeing in number and gender (masculine singular, elthontos ) with Agrippa , Bernikēs being added as an afterthought.

With great pomp ( meta pollēs phantasias ).

Phantasia is a Koiné[28928]š word (Polybius, Diodorus, etc.) from the old verb phantazō (Heb 12:21) and it from phainō , common verb to show, to make an appearance. This is the only N.T. example of phantasia , though the kindred common word phantasma (appearance) occurs twice in the sense of apparition or spectre (Mat 14:26; Mar 6:49). Herodotus (VII. 10) used the verb phantazō for a showy parade. Festus decided to gratify the wish of Agrippa by making the "hearing"of Paul the prisoner (Act 25:22) an occasion for paying a compliment to Agrippa (Rackham) by a public gathering of the notables in Caesarea. Festus just assumed that Paul would fall in with this plan for a grand entertainment though he did not have to do it.

Into the place of hearing ( eis to akroatērion ).

From akroaomai (to be a hearer) and, like the Latin auditorium , in Roman law means the place set aside for hearing, and deciding cases. Here only in the N.T. Late word, several times in Plutarch and other Koiné[28928]š writers. The hearing was "semi-official"(Page) as is seen in Act 25:26.

With the chief captains ( sun te chiliarchois ).

Chiliarchs , each a leader of a thousand. There were five cohorts of soldiers stationed in Caesarea.

And the principal men of the city ( kai andrasin tois kat' exochēn ).

The use of kat' exochēn , like our French phrase par excellence , occurs here only in the N.T., and not in the ancient Greek, but it is found in inscriptions of the first century a.d. (Moulton and Milligan’ s Vocabulary ). Exochē in medical writers is any protuberance or swelling. Cf. our phrase "outstanding men."

At the command of Festus ( keleusantos tou Phēstou ).

Genitive absolute again, "Festus having commanded."

Which are here present with us ( hoi sunparontes hēmin ).

Present articular participle of sunpareimi (only here in N.T.) with associative instrumental case hēmin .

Made suit to me ( enetuchon moi ).

Second aorist active indicative of entugchanō , old verb to fall in with a person, to go to meet for consultation or supplication as here. Common in old Greek and Koiné[28928]š Cf. Rom 8:27, Rom 8:34. See enteuxis (petition) 1Ti 2:1. Papyri give many examples of the technical sense of enteuxis as petition (Deissmann, Bible Studies , p. 121). Some MSS. have plural here enetuchon rather than the singular enetuchen .

Crying ( boōntes ).

Yelling and demanding with loud voices.

That he ought not to live any longer ( mē dein auton zēin mēketi ).

Indirect command (demand) with the infinitive dein for dei (it is necessary). The double negative (mē̇̇mēketi ) with zēin intensifies the demand.

But I found ( egō de katelabomēn ).

Second aorist middle of katalambanō , to lay hold of, to grasp, to comprehend as in Act 4:13; Act 10:34.

That he had committed nothing worthy of death ( mēden axion auton thanatou peprachenai ).

Perfect active infinitive of prassō in indirect assertion with negative mē and accusative auton of general reference, the usual idiom. Act 25:25repeats the statement in Act 25:21, perhaps for the benefit of the assembled dignitaries.

No certain thing ( asphales tōi̇̇ou ).

Nothing definite or reliable (a privative, sphallō , to trip). All the charges of the Sanhedrin slipped away or were tripped up by Paul. Festus confesses that he had nothing left and thereby convicts himself of gross insincerity in his proposal to Paul in Act 25:9about going up to Jerusalem. By his own statement he should have set Paul free. The various details here bear the marks of the eyewitness. Luke was surely present and witnessed this grand spectacle with Paul as chief performer.

Unto my lord ( tōi kuriōi ).

Augustus (Octavius) and Tiberius refused the title of kurios (lord) as too much like rex (king) and like master and slave, but the servility of the subjects gave it to the other emperors who accepted it (Nero among them). Antoninus Pius put it on his coins. Deissmann ( Light from the Ancient East , p. 105) gives an ostracon dated Aug. 4, a.d. 63 with the words "in the year nine of Nero the lord"(enatou Nerōnos tou kuriou ). Deissmann ( op. cit. , pp. 349ff.) runs a most interesting parallel "between the cult of Christ and the cult of Caesar in the application of the term kurios , lord"in ostraca, papyri, inscriptions. Beyond a doubt Paul has all this fully in mind when he says in 1Co 12:3 that "no one is able to say Kurios Iēsous except in the Holy Spirit"(cf. also Phi 2:11). The Christians claimed this word for Christ and it became the test in the Roman persecutions as when Polycarp steadily refused to say "Lord Caesar"and insisted on saying "Lord Jesus"when it meant his certain death.

Before you ( eph' humōn ).

The whole company. In no sense a new trial, but an examination in the presence of these prominent men to secure data and to furnish entertainment and pleasure to Agrippa (Act 25:22).

Especially before thee ( malista epi sou ).

Out of courtesy. It was the main reason as Act 25:22shows. Agrippa was a Jew and Festus was glad of the chance to see what he thought of Paul’ s case.

After examination had ( tēs anakriseōs genomenēs ).

Genitive absolute, "the examination having taken place."Anakrisis from anakrinō (cf. Act 12:19; Act 24:8; Act 28:18) is a legal term for preliminary examination. Only here in the N.T. Inscriptions and papyri give it as examination of slaves or other property.

That I may have somewhat to write ( hopōs schō ti grapsō ).

Ingressive aorist subjunctive schō (may get) with hopōs (final particle like hina ). Ti grapsō in indirect question after schō is either future indicative or aorist subjunctive (Robertson, Grammar , p. 1045). Festus makes it plain that this is not a "trial,"but an examination for his convenience to help him out of a predicament.

Unreasonable ( alogon ).

Old word from a privative and logos (reason, speech). "Without reason"as of animals (Jud 1:10; 2Pe 2:12), "contrary to reason"here. These the only N.T. instances and in harmony with ancient usage.

In sending ( pemponta ).

Note accusative case with the infinitive sēmānai though moi (dative) just before. Cf. same variation in Act 15:22.; Act 22:17.

Signify ( sēmānai ).

First aorist active infinitive (not sēmānai , the old form) of sēmainō , to give a sign (sēmeion ).

The charges ( tas aitias ).

This naive confession of Festus reveals how unjust has been his whole treatment of Paul. He had to send along with the appeal of Paul litterae dimissoriae (apostoli ) which would give a statement of the case (Page).

Very well ( κάλλιον )

The force of the comparative should be preserved: " thou knowest better than thy question implies."

Deliver ( χαρίσασθαι )

With an underlying sense of giving him up as a favor to the Jews.

I appeal ( ἐπικαλοῦμαι )

The technical phrase for lodging an appeal. The Greek rendering of the Latin formula appello.

The council

A body of men chosen by the governor himself from the principal Romans of the province. These were called assessors, sometimes friends, sometimes captains. Though a Roman citizen had the right of appeal to the emperor, a certain discretion was allowed the governors of provinces as to admitting the appeal. It might be disallowed if the affair did not admit of delay, or if the appellant were a known robber or pirate. In doubtful cases the governor was bound to consult with his council, and his failure to do so exposed him to censure. Cicero, in his impeachment of Verres, the brutal governor of Sicily, says: " Will you deny that you dismissed your council, the men of rank with whom your predecessor and yourself had been wont to consult, and decided the case yourself?" (ii., 33). That Festus exercised this discretion in Paul's case is shown by his conferring with the council.

Agrippa the king

Herod Agrippa II., son o£ the Herod whose death is recorded in Act 12:20-23.

Bernice

Sister of Drusilla, the wife of Felix. She is said to have lived in incestuous relations with her brother. Juvenal, in his sixth satire, alludes to this: " A most notable diamond, made more precious by having been worn on the finger of Bernice. This a barbarian king once gave to his incestuous love. This Agrippa gave to his sister."

Opportunity ( τόπον )

Lit., place. An unclassical use of the word.

Stood up ( σταθέντες )

See on Luk 18:11; and Luk 19:8.

Superstition ( δεισιδαιμονίας )

See on Act 17:22. Better, religion, as Rev. As Agrippa was a Jew by religion, Festus would not have insulted him by applying the word superstition to his faith. Note, however, that he speaks of it as their own religion, not identifying Agrippa with them. It was a non-committal expression, since the word meant either religion or superstition according to circumstances. He left Agrippa " to take the word in a good sense, but reserved his own view, which was certainly the Roman one" (Meyer). There is, indeed, a similar tact in Paul's use of the word to the Athenians. He selected " a word which almost imperceptibly shaded off from praise to blame" (Trench).

Affirmed ( ἔφασκεν )

The imperfect implies something habitual. " Paul kept asserting. "

Of the Emperor ( τοῦ Σεβαστοῦ )

Lit., the august one; hence a translation of Augustus, which was not a proper name, but a title of the Roman emperors.

Lord ( κυρίῳ )

An instance of Luke's accuracy. The title " lord" was refused by the first two emperors, Augustus and Tiberius. The emperors who followed accepted it. In the time of Domitian it was a recognized title. Antoninus Pius was the first who put it on his coins.

Crimes ( αἰτίας )

Rev., more correctly, charges.

For all the courts of the Roman governors were held in the name of the emperor, and by commission from him.

He expresses it modestly: the meaning is, Thou canst not.

Which any Roman citizen might do before sentence was passed.

It was customary for a considerable number of persons of distinction to attend the Roman governors. These constituted a kind of council, with whom they frequently advised.

The son of Herod Agrippa, Act 12:1; and Bernice - His sister, with whom he lived in a scandalous familiarity. This was the person whom Titus Vespasian so passionately loved, that he would have made her empress, had not the clamours of the Romans prevented it.

As upon a previous conviction, which they falsely pretended.

How excellent a rule, to condemn no one unheard! A rule, which as it is common to all nations, (courts of inquisition only excepted,) so it ought to direct our proceedings in all affairs, not only in public, but private life.

From their passion and vehemence.

How coldly does he mention the things of the last importance! And about one Jesus - Thus does Festus speak of Him, to whom every knee shall bow! Whom Paul affirmed to be alive - And was this a doubtful question? But why, O Festus, didst thou doubt concerning it? Only because thou didst not search into the evidence of it. Otherwise that evidence might have opened to thee, till it had grown up into full conviction; and thy illustrious prisoner have led thee into the glorious liberty of the children of God.

The chief officers, both military and civil.

To ingratiate himself with them.

Or, "under my protection." If this was meant in earnest, it was temporizing and vacillating. But, possibly, anticipating Paul's refusal, he wished merely to avoid the odium of refusing to remove the trial to Jerusalem.

That is, I am already before the proper tribunal. This seems to imply that he understood Festus to propose handing him over to the Sanhedrim for judgment (and see on Act 25:11), with a mere promise of protection from him. But from going to Jerusalem at all he was too well justified in shrinking, for there assassination had been quite recently planned against him.

Literally, "better," that is, (perhaps), better than to press such a proposal.

The word signifies to "surrender in order to gratify" another.

The right of appeal to the supreme power, in case of life and death, was secured by an ancient law to every Roman citizen, and continued under the empire. Had Festus shown any disposition to pronounce final judgment, Paul, strong in the consciousness of his innocence and the justice of a Roman tribunal, would not have made this appeal. But when the only other alternative offered him was to give his own consent to be transferred to the great hotbed of plots against his life, and to a tribunal of unscrupulous and bloodthirsty ecclesiastics whose vociferous cries for his death had scarcely subsided, no other course was open to him.

Little expecting such an appeal, but bound to respect it.

His assessors in judgment, as to the admissibility of the appeal.

For "thou hast."

As if he would add perhaps "and see if thou fare better."

Great-grandson of Herod the Great, and Drusilla's brother (see on Act 24:24). On his father's awful death (Act 12:23), being thought too young (seventeen) to succeed, Judea, was attached to the province of Syria. Four years after, on the death of his uncle Herod, he was made king of the northern principalities of Chalcis, and afterwards got Batanea, Iturea, Trachonitis, Abilene, Galilee, and Perea, with the title of king. He died A.D. 100, after reigning fifty-one years.

His sister. She was married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, on whose death she lived with her brother Agrippa--not without suspicion of incestuous intercourse, which her subsequent licentious life tended to confirm.

To pay his respects to him on his accession to the procuratorship.

"several"

Taking advantage of the presence of one who might be presumed to know such matters better than himself; though the lapse of "several days" ere the subject was touched on shows that it gave Festus little trouble.

On the word "deliver up," see on Act 25:11.

"suspected"--crimes punishable by civil law.

Rather, "religion" (see on Act 17:22). It cannot be supposed that Festus would use the word in any discourteous sense in addressing his Jewish guest.

"Thus speaks this miserable Festus of Him to whom every knee shall bow" [BENGEL].

"kept affirming."

Showing that the resurrection of the Crucified One had been the burden, as usual, of Paul's pleading. The insignificance of the whole affair in the eyes of Festus is manifest.

The "I" is emphatic. "I," as a Roman judge, being at a loss how to deal with such matters.

The imperial title first conferred by the Roman Senate on Octavius.

"should like to hear."

No doubt Paul was fight when he said, "The king knoweth of these things . . . for I am persuaded that none of these things are hidden from him; for this thing was not done in a corner" (Act 26:26). Hence his curiosity to see and hear the man who had raised such commotion and was remodelling to such an extent the whole Jewish life.

In the same city in which their father, on account of his pride, had perished, eaten up by worms [WETST].

(See on Act 21:32). JOSEPHUS [Wars of the Jews, 3.4.2] says that five cohorts, whose full complement was one thousand men, were stationed at Cæsarea.

Both Jews and Romans. "This was the most dignified and influential audience Paul had yet addressed, and the prediction (Act 9:15) was fulfilled, though afterwards still more remarkably at Rome (Act 27:24; 2Ti 4:16-17) [WEBSTER and WILKINSON].

"definite"

Nero. "The writer's accuracy should be remarked here. It would have been . . . a mistake to apply this term ("lord") to the emperor a few years earlier. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would let himself be so called, as implying the relation of master and slave. But it had now come (rather, "was coming") into use as one of the imperial titles" [HACKET].

I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat - Every procurator represented the person of the emperor in the province over which he presided; and, as the seat of government was at Caesarea, and Paul was now before the tribunal on which the emperor’ s representative sat, he could say, with the strictest propriety, that he stood before Caesar’ s judgment seat, where, as a freeman of Rome, he should be tried

As thou very well knowest - The record of this trial before Felix was undoubtedly left for the inspection of Festus; for, as he left the prisoner to his successor, he must also leave the charges against him, and the trial which he had undergone. Besides, Festus must be assured of his innocence, from the trial through which he had just now passed.

For if I be an offender - If it can be proved that I have broken the laws, so as to expose me to capital punishment, I do not wish to save my life by subterfuges; I am before the only competent tribunal; here my business should be ultimately decided

No man may deliver me unto them - The words of the apostle are very strong and appropriate. The Jews asked as a favor, χαριν, from Festus, that he would send Paul to Jerusalem, Act 25:3. Festus, willing to do the Jews χαριν, this favor, asked Paul if he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged, Act 25:9. Paul says, I have done nothing amiss, either against the Jews or against Caesar; therefore no man με δυναται αυτοις χαρισασθαι, can make a Present of me to them; that is, favor them so far as to put my life into their hands, and thus gratify them by my death. Festus, in his address to Agrippa, Act 25:16, admits this, and uses the same form of speech: It is not the custom of the Romans, χαριζεσθαι, gratuitously to give up any one, etc. Much of the beauty of this passage is lost by not attending to the original words. See on Act 25:16 (note)

I appeal unto Caesar - A freeman of Rome, who had been tried for a crime, and sentence passed on him, had a right to appeal to the emperor, if he conceived the sentence to be unjust; but, even before the sentence was pronounced, he had the privilege of an appeal, in criminal cases, if he conceived that the judge was doing any thing contrary to the laws. Ante sententiam appellari potest in criminali negotio, si judex contra leges hoc faciat . - Grotius

An appeal to the emperor was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others having authority, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Caesar. Lege Julia de vi publica damnatur, qui aliqua potestate praeditus, Civem Romanum ad Imperatorem appellantem necarit, necarive jusserit, torserit, verberauerit, condemnaverit, in publica vincula duci jusserit . Pauli Recept. Sent. lib. v. t. 26

This law was so very sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens who were proved to have turned Christians; hence, in his letter to Trajan, lib. x. Ep. 97, he says, Fuerunt alii similis amentiae, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos . ‘ There were others guilty of similar folly, whom, finding them to be Roman citizens, I have determined to send to the city."Very likely these had appealed to Caesar.

Conferred with the council - From this circumstance, we may learn that the appeal of Paul to Caesar was conditional; else Festus could not have deliberated with his council whether it should be granted; for he had no power to refuse to admit such an appeal. We may, therefore, understand Paul thus: "I now stand before a tribunal where I ought to be judged; if thou refuse to hear and try this cause, rather than go to Jerusalem, I appeal to Caesar."Festus, therefore, consulted with the council, whether he should proceed to try the cause, or send Paul to Rome; and it appears that the majority were of opinion that he should be sent to Caesar

Hast thou appealed unto Caesar, etc. - Rather, Thou hast appealed unto Caesar, and to Caesar thou shalt go. The Jews were disappointed of their hope; and Festus got his hand creditably drawn out of a business with which he was likely to have been greatly embarrassed.

King Agrippa - This was the son of Herod Agrippa, who is mentioned Act 12:1. Upon the death of his father’ s youngest brother, Herod, he succeeded him in the kingdom of Chalcis, by the favor of the Emperor Claudius: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 4, s. 2; and Bell. lib. ii. cap. 12, s. 1. Afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one, giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, which contained Trachonitis, Batanea, and Gaulonitis. He gave him, likewise, the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and the province which Varus had governed. Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 6, s. 1; Bell. lib. ii. cap. 19, s. 8. Nero made a farther addition, and gave him four cities, Abila, Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea and Tiberias in Galilee: Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 4; Bell. lib. ii. cap 13, s. 2. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 1, s. 3; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 8, 11. This king was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling against them; and, when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted in the siege of Jerusalem: he survived the ruin of his country several years. See Bishop Pearce and Calmet

Bernice, or, as she is sometimes called, Berenice, was sister of this Agrippa, and of the Drusilla mentioned Act 24:24 : She was at first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, Jos. Antiq. lib. xix. cap. 9, s. 1; and, on his death, went to live with her brother Agrippa, with whom she was violently suspected to lead an incestuous life. Juvenal, as usual, mentions this in the broadest manner - Sat. vi. ver. 155: -

Deinde adamas notissimus, et Berenices

In digito factus pretiosior: hunc dedit olim

Barbarus incestae, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori

"Next, a most valuable diamond, rendered more precious by being put on the finger of Berenice; a barbarian gave it to this incestuous woman formerly; and Agrippa gave this to his sister.

Josephus mentions the report of her having criminal conversation with her brother Agrippa, φημης επισχουσης, ὁτι τἀδελφῳ συνῃει . To shield herself from this scandal, she persuaded Polemo, king of Cilicia, to embrace the Jewish religion, and marry her; this he was induced to do on account of her great riches; but she soon left him, and he revolted to heathenism: see Jos. Antiq. lib. xx. cap. 7, s. 3. After this, she lived often with her brother, and her life was by no means creditable; she had, however, address to ingratiate herself with Titus Vespasian, and there were even rumors of her becoming empress - propterque insignem reginae Berenices amorem, cui etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur . - Suet. in Vit. Titi. Which was prevented by the murmurs of the Roman people: Berenicen statim ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitam . - Ibid. Tacitus also, Hist. lib. ii. cap. 1, speaks of her love intrigue with Titus. From all accounts she must have been a woman of great address; and, upon the whole, an exceptionable character.

Declared Paul’ s cause unto the king - Festus knew that Agrippa was better acquainted with such matters than he was; and he wished, in some sort, to make him a party in this business.

Desiring to have judgment against him - Instead of δικην, judgment, καταδικην, condemnation, sentence of death, is the reading of ABC, and several others, which is probably genuine. This is evidently the meaning of the place, whichever reading we prefer. Nothing could satisfy these men but the death of the apostle. It was not justice they wanted, but his destruction.

It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die - Χαριζεσθαι τινα ανθρωπον, To Make a Present of any man; gratuitously to give up the life of any man, through favor or caprice. Here is a reference to the subject discussed on Act 25:11

Before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, etc. - For this righteous procedure the Roman laws were celebrated over the civilized world. Appian, in his Hist. Roman., says: ου πατριον σφισιν ακριτους καταδικαζεσθαι . It is not their custom to condemn men before they have been heard. And Philo De Praesid. Rom., says: τοτε γαρ κοινους ἑαυτους παρεχοντες δικαϚας εξ ισου, και των κατηγορων και απολογουμενων ακουομενοι, μηδενος ακριτου προκαταγινωσκειν αξιουντες, εβραβευον ουτε προς εχθραν, ουτε προς χαριν, αλλα προς την φυσιν της αληθειας, τα δοξαντα ειναι δικαια . "For then, by giving sentence in common, and hearing impartially both plaintiff and defendant, not thinking it right to condemn any person unheard, they decided as appeared to them to be just; without either enmity or favor, but according to the merits of the case."See Bp. Pearce. England can boast such laws, not only in her statute books, but in constant operation in all her courts of justice. Even the king himself, were he so inclined, could not imprison nor punish a man without the regular procedure of the law; and twelve honest men, before whom the evidence has been adduced, the case argued, and the law laid down and explained, are ultimately to judge whether the man be guilty or not guilty. Here, in this favored country, are no arbitrary imprisonments - no Bastiles - no lettres de cachet. Lex facit Regem : the law makes the king, says Bracton, and the king is the grand executor and guardian of the laws - laws, in the eyes of which the character, property, and life of every subject are sacred.

They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed - It was natural for Festus, at the first view of things, to suppose that Paul must be guilty of some very atrocious crime. When he found that he had been twice snatched from the hands of the Jews; that he had been brought to Caesarea, as a prisoner, two years before; that he had been tried once before the Sanhedrin, and once before the governor of the province; that he had now lain two years in bonds; and that the high priest and all the heads of the Jewish nation had united in accusing him, and whose condemnation they loudly demanded; when, I say, he considered all this, it was natural for him to suppose the apostle to be some flagitious wretch; but when he had tried the case, and heard their accusations and his defense, how surprised was he to find that scarcely any thing that amounted to a crime was laid to his charge; and that nothing that was laid to his charge could be proved!

Questions - of their own superstition - Περι της ιδιας δειδιδαιμονιας ; Questions concerning their own religion. Superstition meant something as bad among the Romans as it does among us; and is it likely that Festus, only a procurator, should thus speak to Agrippa, a King, concerning his own religion? He could not have done so without offering the highest insult. The word δεισιδαιμονια must therefore simply mean religion - the national creed, and the national worship, as I have at large proved it to mean, in the observations at the end of Act 17:34

And of one Jesus, which was dead, etc. - In this way does this poor heathen speak of the death and resurrection of Christ! There are many who profess Christianity that do not appear to be much farther enlightened.

I doubted of such manner of questions - Such as, whether he had broken their law, defiled their temple; or whether this Jesus, who was dead, was again raised to life.

Unto the hearing of Augustus - Εις την του ΣεβαϚου διαγνωσιν ; To the discrimination of the emperor. For, although σεβαϚος is usually translated Augustus, and the Roman emperors generally assumed this epithet, which signifies no more than the venerable, the august, get here it seems to be used merely to express the emperor, without any reference to any of his attributes or titles.

I would also hear the man myself - A spirit of curiosity, similar to that of Herod, Luk 23:8

As Herod, the father of this Agrippa, had been so active an instrument in endeavoring to destroy Christianity, having killed James, and was about to have put Peter to death also, had not God sent him to his own place, there is no doubt that Agrippa had heard much about Christianity; and as to St. Paul, his conversion was so very remarkable that his name, in connection with Christianity, was known, not only throughout Judea, but through all Asia Minor and Greece. Agrippa, therefore might naturally wish to see and hear a man of whom he had heard so much.

With great pomp - Μετα πολλης φαντασιας ; With much phantasy, great splendor, great parade, superb attendance or splendid retinue: in this sense the Greek word is used by the best writers. Wetstein has very justly remarked, that these children of Herod the Great made this pompous appearance in that very city where, a few years before, their father, for his Pride, was smitten of God, and eaten up by worms! How seldom do the living lay any of God’ s judgments to heart

The place of hearing - A sort of audience chamber, in the palace of Festus. This was not a trial of Paul; there were no Jews present to accuse him, and he could not be tried but at Rome, as he had appealed to Caesar. These grandees wished to hear the man speak of his religion, and in his own defense, through a principle of curiosity.

I have no certain thing to write - Nothing alleged against him has been substantiated

Unto my Lord - The title Κυριος, Dominus , Lord, both Augustus and Tiberius had absolutely refused; and forbade, even by public edicts, the application of it to themselves. Tiberius himself was accustomed to say that he was lord only of his slaves, emperor or general of the troops, and prince of the senate. See Suetonius, in his life of this prince. The succeeding emperors were not so modest; they affected the title. Nero, the then emperor, would have it; and Pliny the younger is continually giving it to Trajan in his letters.

For it seemeth to me unreasonable, etc. - Every reader must feel the awkward situation in which Festus stood. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome, to appear before Nero, though he had not one charge to support against him; and yet he must be sent, for he had appealed to Caesar. He hoped therefore that Agrippa, who was of the Jewish religion, would be able to discern more particularly the merits of this case; and might, after hearing Paul, direct him how to draw up those letters, which, on sending the prisoner, must be transmitted to the emperor

This chapter ends as exceptionably as the twenty-first. It should have begun at Act 25:13, and have been continued to the end of the twenty-sixth chapter, or both chapters have been united in one

1.    From St. Paul’ s appeal to Caesar, we see that it is lawful to avail ourselves, even in the cause of God, of those civil privileges with which his mercy has blessed us. It is often better to fall into the hands of the heathen than into the hands of those who, from mistaken views of religion, have their hearts filled with bitter persecuting zeal. Those who can murder a man, pretendedly for God’ s sake, because he does not think exactly with them on ceremonial or speculative points of divinity, have no portion of that religion which came down from God

2.    The Jews endeavored by every means to deny the resurrection of our Lord; and it seems to have been one part of their accusation against Paul, that he asserted that the man, Jesus, whom they had crucified, was risen from the dead. On this subject, a pious writer observes: "What a train of errors and miseries does one single instance of deceit draw after it; and what a judgment upon those, who, by corrupting the guards of the sepulchre, the witnesses of the resurrection of our Lord, have kept the whole nation in infidelity!"Thus it often happens in the world that one bad counsel, one single lie or calumny, once established, is the source of infinite evils

3.    The grand maxim of the Roman law and government, to condemn no man unheard, and to confront the accusers with the accused, should be a sacred maxim with every magistrate and minister, and among all private Christians. How many harsh judgments and uncharitable censures would this prevent! Conscientiously practised in all Christian societies, detraction, calumny, tale-bearing, whispering, backbiting, misunderstandings, with every unbrotherly affection, would necessarily be banished from the Church of God.

10.I stand at Caesar’s judgment-seat Because Paul seeth that he is betrayed into the hands of the Jews through the ambition of the governor, he objecteth the privilege of the city of Rome. He had submitted himself modestly, if he had commanded him to do − ⁶⁰¹ that which was just and equal. Now, because the governor doth not his duty willingly, necessity compelleth the holy man to defend himself by law; and by this means the Lord delivereth him now again, even when he was almost given over into the hands of the enemies. And whereas he desireth to have his matter handled before Caesar’s judgment-seat, he doth not, therefore, make the doctrine of the gospel subject to the judgment of a profane and wicked man; but being ready to give an account of his faith everywhere, he appealeth from that court where he could no longer hope for equity. Furthermore, though the citizens of Rome did retain their privilege, yet the order was then altered, because the Caesars had taken into their own hands the judging of the people, − ⁶⁰² as if they would be good maintainers and patrons of common liberty. −

To the Jews have I done Because those whose consciences do accuse them, and which mistrust their matter, fly unto certain odd excuses and exceptions, Paul turneth away from himself this opinion. And surely the ministers of Christ ought to have no less care to make their innocency known than to save their life. If Paul had flatly denied to answer for himself, the enemies would have triumphed, and the doubtfulness of an evil conscience should have been objected to him to the reproach of the gospel. But now when he citeth the governor himself to be a witness of his integrity, and doth refuse no punishment if he should be found guilty, he cutteth off all occasion of slanderous reports. Therefore, he showeth that he doth not seek to save himself by turning his back, − ⁶⁰³ but flyeth unto the fortress of a just defense, that he may there save himself from injury, seeing his adversaries have hitherto handled him unjustly; and now refusing to deal with him any longer by law, they go about to have him murdered. Neither doth Paul go behind the president’s back to tell him that he doth unjustly, in that he doth so dally with his accusers; and therewithal he doth, as it were, bridle his lust, so that he dare go no farther. −

11.I appeal unto Caesar After that he hath professed that he doth not refuse to die if he be found guilty, he freely useth such helps as he could find at the hands of men. Wherefore, if we be at any time brought into like straits, we must not be superstitious, but we may crave help of the laws and politic order. Because it is written, that magistrates are made and appointed by God to the praise of the godly ( Rom 13:3; and 1Pe 2:13). Neither was Paul afraid to go to law under an unbelieving judge; for he which appealeth commenceth a new action. −

Therefore, let us know that God, who hath appointed judgment-seats, doth also grant liberty to his to use the same lawfully. Therefore, those mistake Paul who think that he doth flatly condemn the Corinthians, ( 1Co 6:1) because they require help of the magistrate for defense of their right, seeing he reproveth in that place a manifest fault, to wit, because they could suffer no wrong, and because they were too much set upon suing one another, whereby they caused the gospel to be evil spoken of. −

12.Festus having talked with the council The governors did use to have certain of the chief citizens which did attend upon them, and sat with them in judgment, that they might decree nothing without the consent of the council. Furthermore, it doth seem that Festus pronounced this with indignation, when he said interrogatively, Hast thou appealed to Caesar? to wit, because it grieved him that he could not do the Jews such a pleasure as he desired; though I leave that indifferent, because it is neither of any great importance, and it leaneth only to a conjecture.

13.And after certain days This long narration tendeth to this end, that we may know that though the handling of the cause were broken off, yet were Paul’s bands famous; and that he was nevertheless brought out of prison, that he might make profession of his faith, and dispute touching the gospel before a famous auditory; and again, that though he were contemned, yet was he not counted a wicked person, lest the glory of Christ should be abased by his slander and reproach, yea, that he had more liberty to preach the gospel being in prison, than if he had lived free in a private house. −

King Agrippa and Bernice It is certain that this Agrippa was son to Agrippa the elder, whose filthy and detestable death was set down in the twelfth chapter. When this man was made king of Chalcis, in his uncle’s stead, after the decease of his father, he did afterward obtain a more large dominion. − ⁶⁰⁴ Bernice, of whom mention is made in this place, was his own natural sister, which was first married to Herod; king of Chalcis, her uncle, and did keep herself widow a certain season after his death, yet she did not live honestly and chastely during that time; for her great familiarity with her brother Agrippa was suspected. And to the end she might not be counted an incestuous person, she married with Polemon, king of Cilicia. Notwithstanding, because she gave herself more to lust than to chastity, she forsook him. The historiographers do nowhere say that she was her brother’s wife; and Josephus, in his Life, assigned her a dominion of her own in part of Galilee. Therefore, it is to be thought that forasmuch as they were hardened in their wickedness, they dwelt together, not regarding what men did say; yet did they abstain from marriage, lest their incestuous marriage should betray and also augment their crime. Neither is it any marvel that he came for honor’s sake to salute the governor, who did reign only at the will and pleasure of another, and did depend upon the beck and favor of the Emperor of Rome, which he was to retain and nourish by means of the governor. −

14.When many days Therefore, when (after some time was spent) they wanted matter of talk, as idle men use to invent somewhat whereon they may talk, mention was made of Paul; for Luke meant to note that, when he said that after many days were idly spent, Festus told the king of a certain man which lay bound. And although he doth here both touch the malice of the priests, and also make a show of wonderful equity on his part, yet in that he shortly after cleareth the party which was accused, he condemneth himself unawares, when as he confesseth that he was enforced to appeal that he might not be carried to Jerusalem. −

But when Festus commendeth the Romans, he showeth what doth beseem judges. And if nature did tell profane men thus much, that they must admit no such favor as may oppress the guiltless, how much more must judges (who have the light of the word of God) be careful to avoid all corruption. −

18.They laid no such crime to his charge I marvel why Festus doth say, that there was no such crime objected to Paul as he supposed, seeing he was accused of sedition; but we may again conjecture by this, yea, plainly know, that their accusations were so vain, that they ought not to have been brought before the judgment-seat; as if a man did utter a slanderous speech unadvisedly. For which cause he saith, that the state of the cause did consist in questions of the law. Therefore, we see that he putteth a difference between those offenses which were wont to be punished by man’s laws, and the controversy which was between Paul and the Jews; not that the religion ought to be corrupted freely, − ⁶⁰⁵ or that their malapertness is tolerable, who overthrow the worship of God with their own inventions; but because the man being a Roman, cared not for Moses’ law; therefore he speaketh so disdainfully when he saith, that they did strive about their superstition; though this word δεισιδαιμονια be taken of the Grecians, as well in good as evil part; to wit, because the worshipping of false gods was common in all places. Notwithstanding, his meaning is, that he careth not what manner of religion the Jews have. And no marvel if a man which was an ethnic, [heathen] and had not learned that the rule of godliness must be fet [sought] from the mouth of God, know not how to distinguish between the pure worship of God and superstitions. −

Wherefore, we must hold fast that mark whereby we may discern the one from the other, that there is no godliness but that which is grounded in the knowledge of faith, lest we grabble [grope] in darkness. Moreover, the Romans were so drunken with prosperous success, that they thought that they were more acceptable to God than any other; as at this day the Turks, by reason of their manifold victories, deride the doctrine of Christ. This was a lamentable case, that a man being an unbeliever and idolater, sitteth as judge amidst the Jews, to give judgment of the sacred oracles of God according to his ignorance, but all the fault was in Paul’s adversaries, who did not care for the majesty of God, so they might satisfy and obey their own madness. Notwithstanding, there rested nothing for Paul to do, but to clear himself of those crimes which were laid against him. So at this day, though inward brawls, which are among Christians, do defame the name of Christ and his gospel among the Turks and Jews, yet the defenders of holy doctrine are unworthily blamed, which are enforced to enter the combat. −

Of one Jesus It is not to be doubted but that Paul intreated, both gravely and with such vehemency as became him, of the resurrection of Christ; but Festus, by reason of his pride, thought it no meet matter for him to occupy his head about. He doth not, indeed, openly deride Paul, but he showeth plainly how negligently he heard him when he disputed of Christ. Whereby we see how little preaching availeth, yea, that it availeth nothing at all, unless the Spirit of God do inwardly touch the hearts of men. For the wicked do lightly pass over whatsoever is spoken, as if a man should tell them a tale of Robin Hood. − ⁶⁰⁶ Wherefore, there is no cause why the carelessness of many should trouble us at this day, seeing Paul prevailed nothing with Festus. But this place doth witness that many speeches did pass in the handling of the matter, whereof Luke maketh no mention. For he had spoken nothing as yet of Christ, and yet this latter narration doth show that Paul intreated seriously before the Jews of his death and resurrection. Which could not be, but he must needs intreat of the principal points of the gospel. Therefore, I guess that Paul did so handle the matter, that when he had refuted the false accusations of the Jews, wherewith they went about to burden him before the governor, having gotten a fit occasion, he began afterward to speak freely of Christ.

22.I would also By this we may gather that Agrippa did so desire to hear Paul, that he was ashamed to make his desire known, lest Festus should think that he came for some other end than to salute him. And it may be that not only curiosity did move him to be desirous to hear Paul, but because he did hope to profit by hearing him. Notwithstanding, we may easily gather by this how cold his desire was, because he suffered many days to pass before he showeth any sign of his desire, because he was more in love with earthly commodities, which he counted better. Neither durst he make any words; neither did he pass for uttering any speech until such time as Festus did of his own accord will him so to do. So that the holy minister of Christ is brought forth as on a stage, that a profane man may cheer up his guest, save only that Festus will be holpen with the advice of Agrippa and his company, that he may let Caesar understand how diligent he is. But the matter was turned to another end by the secret providence of God. Neither need we doubt but that such report went abroad as made much for the confirmation of the godly; and it may be also that some of the hearers were touched, and did conceive seed of faith, which did afterward bring forth fruit in due time. But admit none of them did embrace Christ sincerely and from his heart, this was no small profit, that the unskillful were appeased after that the malice of the enemies was discovered, that they might not be inflamed with such hatred against the gospel. Impiety was made ashamed, and the faithful did gather new strength, so that they were confirmed more and more in the gospel. −

23.And on the morrow Agrippa and his sister do not come like humble disciples of Christ, but they bring with them such pomp and gorgeousness as may stop their ears and blind their eyes; and it is to be thought that like haughtiness of mind was joined with that gorgeous and great pomp. No marvel, therefore, if they were not brought to obey Christ. Notwithstanding, it seemeth that Luke maketh mention of the pomp, that we might know that, in a great assembly, and before choice witnesses, whose authority was great, Paul had leave granted not only to plead his matter as a party defendant, but also to preach the gospel. For he cometh forth as in the person of a teacher, that he may set forth the name of Christ. So that the truth of God brake out of his bands, which was forthwith spread abroad everywhere with a free course; yea, it came even unto us. By this word φαντασια, Luke understandeth that which we call commonly preparation or pomp. − ⁶⁰⁷ But there must other furniture be brought unto the spiritual marriage of Jesus Christ. −

26.That after examination had We cannot tell whether the governor, in acquitting Paul before them, doth seek by this policy to entice him to let his appeal fall. For it was a thing credible that he might easily be persuaded to lay away fear, and to submit himself to the judgment and discretion of a just judge, especially if Agrippa should give his friendly consent. To what end soever he did it, he condemneth himself of iniquity by his own mouth, in that he did not let a guiltless man go free whom he is now ashamed to send unto Caesar, having nothing to lay against him. This did also come to pass by the wonderful providence of God, that the Jews themselves should give a former judgment on Paul’s side. Peradventure, the governor goeth subtilely to work, that he may pick out what the king and the chief men of Cesarea do think, that if it so fall out that Paul be set at liberty, he may lay the blame on their necks. For he would not have the priests to be his enemies for nothing, upon whom a good part of Jerusalem did depend, and that was the best way that he could take in writing to Caesar to intermingle the authority of Agrippa. But the Lord (to whom it belongeth to govern events contrary to man’s expectation) had respect unto another thing, to wit, that when the clouds of false accusations were driven away, Paul might more freely avouch sound doctrine.

The Jews had blundered in accusing Paul of sedition and rebellion against the Roman empire. Paul, of course, denied this and there were no witnesses to prove any such charge. Nevertheless, this charge made it a Roman issue rather than one merely of the Jews' religion, so Paul as a Roman citizen had the right to appeal to the highest tribunal, that is, the emperor (Act 25:11)."

Agrippa was actually Herod Agrippa II, son of Herod Agrippa I, and Bernice was his sister. He had been appointed king of the region around the sea of Galilee, adjacent to the province of Judaea, by the emperor Nero, who had recently acceded to the throne of the empire."

Governor Festus was at a complete loss as to what to report to the emperor. He could find no reason to continue to hold Paul. King Agrippa also could not charge Paul (Act 26:32), yet the Jews had demanded Paul's life, and Paul had appealed to Caesar. Festus could not even fathom the significance of the Jews' complaint, though he seemed at least to understand the facts (Act 25:19). He was required, in his report, to specify the crimes of which the prisoner was accused, but he could not pinpoint any crimes (Act 25:27)."

Agrippa, with his family background and being part Jew himself, knew more about the Jews' religion than Festus did, and indeed had made considerable study of it on his own (Act 26:3). Festus therefore hoped Agrippa's advice could somehow solve his dilemma."

I stand : Every procurator represented the emperor in the province over which he presided; and as the seat of government was at Cesarea, St. Paul was before the tribunal where, as a Roman citizen, he ought to be judged. Act 16:37, Act 16:38, Act 22:25-28

as thou : Act 25:25, Act 23:29, Act 26:31, Act 28:18; Mat 27:18, Mat 27:23, Mat 27:24; 2Co 4:2

if I : Act 18:14; Jos 22:22; 1Sa 12:3-5; Job 31:21, Job 31:38-40; Psa 7:3-5

no man : Act 16:37, Act 22:25; 1Th 2:15

I appeal : An appeal to the emperor was the right of a Roman citizen, and was highly respected. The Julian law condemned those magistrates, and others, as violaters of the public peace, who had put to death, tortured, scourged, imprisoned, or condemned any Roman citizen who had appealed to Cesar. This law was so sacred and imperative, that, in the persecution under Trajan, Pliny would not attempt to put to death Roman citizens, who were proved to have turned Christians, but determined to send them to Rome, probably because they had appealed. Act 25:10,Act 25:25, Act 26:32, Act 28:19; 1Sa 27:1

unto Caesar shalt : Act 25:21, Act 19:21, Act 23:11, Act 26:32, Act 27:1, Act 28:16; Psa 76:10; Isa 46:10,Isa 46:11; Lam 3:37; Dan 4:35; Rom 15:28, Rom 15:29; Phi 1:12-14, Phi 1:20

king : Act 25:22, Act 25:23, Act 26:1, Act 26:27, Act 26:28

unto : 1Sa 13:10, 1Sa 25:14; 2Sa 8:10; 2Ki 10:13; Mar 15:18

There : Act 24:27

when : Act 25:1-3; Est 3:9; Luk 18:3-5, Luk 23:23

It is not : Act 25:4, Act 25:5

and have : Act 26:1; Deu 17:4, Deu 19:17, Deu 19:18; Pro 18:13, Pro 18:17; Joh 7:51

without : Act 25:6

certain : Act 25:7, Act 18:15, Act 18:19, Act 23:29

superstition : Act 17:22, Act 17:23

which : Act 1:22, Act 2:32, Act 17:31, Act 26:22, Act 26:23; 1Co 15:3, 1Co 15:4, 1Co 15:14-20; Rev 1:18

doubted of such manner of questions : or, was doubtful how to enquire hereof, etc

I asked : Act 25:9

had : Act 25:10, Act 26:32; 2Ti 4:16

hearing : or, judgment

Augustus : Act 27:1; Luk 2:1

I commanded : Act 25:12

Act 9:15; Isa 52:15; Mat 10:18; Luk 21:12

with : Act 12:21; Est 1:4; Ecc 1:2; Isa 5:14, Isa 14:11; Eze 7:24, Eze 30:18, Eze 32:12, Eze 33:28; Dan 4:30; 1Co 7:31; Jam 1:11; 1Pe 1:24; 1Jo 2:16

at : Act 9:15

King Agrippa : King Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa; who upon the death of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, ad 28, succeeded to his dominions, by the favour of the emperor Claudius. Four years afterwards, Claudius removed him from that kingdom to a larger one; giving him the tetrarchy of Philip, that of Lysanias, and the province which Varus governed. Nero afterwards added Julias in Peraea, Tarichaea, and Tiberias. Claudius gave him the power of appointing the high priest among the Jews; and instances of his exercising this power may be seen in Josephus. He was strongly attached to the Romans, and did every thing in his power to prevent the Jews from rebelling; and when he could not prevail, he united his troops to those of Titus, and assisted at the siege of Jerusalem. After the ruin of his country, he retired with his sister Berenice to Rome where he died, aged 70, about ad 90.

about : Act 25:2, Act 25:3, Act 25:7

that he : Act 22:22; Luk 23:21-23

committed : Act 23:9, Act 23:29, Act 26:31; Luk 23:4, Luk 23:14; Joh 18:38

and that : Act 25:11, Act 25:12

Augustus : The honourable title of Σεβαστος [Strong’ s G4575], or Augustus, that is venerable or august, which was first conferred by the senate on Octavius Caesar, was afterwards assumed by succeeding Roman emperors.

specially : Act 26:2, Act 26:3

Pro 18:13; Joh 7:51

Then said Paul ... - The reasons why Paul declined the proposal to be tried at Jerusalem are obvious. He had experienced so much violent persecution from his countrymen, and their minds were so full of prejudice, misconception, and enmity, that he had neither justice nor favor to hope at them hands. He knew, too, that they had formerly plotted against his life, and that he had been removed to Caesarea for the purpose of safety. It would be madness and folly to throw himself again into their hands, or to give them another opportunity to form a plan against his life. As he was, therefore, under no obligation to return to Jerusalem, and as Festus did not propose it because it could be supposed that justice would be promoted by it, but to gratify the Jews, Paul prudently declined the proposal, and appealed to the Roman emperor.

I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat - The Roman emperors after Julius Caesar were all called "Caesar"; thus, Augustus Caesar, Claudius Caesar, etc., as all the kings of Egypt were called "Pharaoh,"though they each had his proper name, as Pharaoh Necho, etc. The emperor at this time (60 a.d.) was Nero, one of the most cruel and impious men that ever sat on a throne. It was under him that Paul was afterward beheaded. When Paul says, "I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat,"he means to say that he regarded the tribunal before which he then stood, and on which Festus sat, as really the judgment seat of Caesar. The procurator, or governor, held his commission from the Roman emperor, and it was, in fact, his tribunal. The reason why Paul made this declaration may be thus expressed: "I am a Roman citizen. I have a right to justice. I am under no obligation to put myself again in the hands of the Jews. I have a right to a fair and impartial trial; and I claim the protection and privileges which all Roman citizens have before their tribunals - the right of a fair and just trial."It was, therefore, a severe rebuke of Festus for proposing to depart from the known justice of the Roman laws, and, for the sake of popularity, proposing to him to put himself in the hands of his enemies.

Where I ought to be judged - Where I have a right to demand and expect justice. I have a right to be tried where courts are usually held, and according to all the forms of equity which are usually observed.

Have I done no wrong - I have not injured their persons, property, character, or religion. This was a bold appeal, which his consciousness of innocence and the whole course of proceedings enabled him to make without the possibility of their gainsaying it.

As thou very well knowest - Festus knew, probably, that Paul had been tried by Felix, and that nothing was proved against him. He had now seen the spirit of the Jews, and the cause why they arraigned him. He had given Paul a trial, and had called on the Jews to adduce their "able"men to accuse him, and after all nothing had been proved against him. Festus knew, therefore, that he was innocent. This abundantly appears also from his own confession, Act 25:18-19. As he knew this, and as Festus was proposing to depart from the regular course of justice for the sake of popularity, it was proper for Paul to use the strong language of rebuke, and to claim what he knew Festus did not dare to deny him, the protection of the Roman laws. Conscious innocence may be bold; and Christians have a right to insist on impartial justice and the protection of the laws. Alas! how many magistrates there have been like Festus, who, when Christians have been arraigned before them, have been fully satisfied of their innocence, but who, for the sake of popularity, have departed from all the rules of law and all the claims of justice.

For if I be an offender - If I have injured the Jews so as to deserve death. If it can be proved that I have done injury to anyone.

I refuse not to die - I have no wish to escape justice. I do not wish to evade the laws, or to take advantage of any circumstances to screen me from just punishment. Paul’ s whole course showed that this was the noble spirit which actuated him. No true Christian wishes to escape from the laws. He will honor them, and not seek to evade them. But, like other people, he has rights; and he may and should insist that justice should be done.

No man may deliver me unto them - No man shall be allowed to do it. This bold and confident declaration Paul could make, because he knew what the law required, and he knew that Festus would not dare to deliver him up contrary to the law. Boldness is not incompatible with Christianity; and innocence, when its rights are invaded, is always bold. Jesus firmly asserted his rights when on trial Joh 18:23, and no man is under obligation to submit to be trampled on by an unjust tribunal in violation of the laws.

I appeal unto Caesar - I appeal to the man emperor, and carry my cause directly before him. By the Valerian, Porcian, and Sempronian laws, it had been enacted that if any magistrate should be about to beat, or to put to death any Roman citizen, the accused could appeal to the Roman people, and this appeal carried the cause to Rome. The law was so far changed under the emperors that the cause should be carried before the emperor instead of the people. Every citizen had the right of this appeal; and when it was made, the accused was sent to Rome for trial. Thus, Pliny Eph. 10, 97 says that those Christians who were accused, and who, being Roman citizens, appealed to Caesar, he sent to Rome to be tried. The reason why Paul made this appeal was that he saw that justice would not be done him by the Roman governor. He had been tried by Felix, and justice had been denied him, and he was detained a prisoner in violation of law, to gratify the Jews; he had now been tried by Festus, and saw that he was pursuing the same course; and he resolved, therefore, to assert his rights, and remove the cause far from Jerusalem, and from the prejudiced people in that city, at once to Rome. It was in this mysterious way that Paul’ s long-cherished desire to see the Roman church, and to preach the gospel there, was to be gratified. Compare notes on Rom 1:9-11. For this he had prayed long Rom 1:10; Rom 15:23-24, and now at length this purpose was to be fulfilled. God answers prayer, but it is often in a way which we little anticipate. He so orders the train of events; he so places us amidst a pressure of circumstances, that the desire is granted in a way Which we could never have anticipated, but which shows in the best manner that he is a hearer of prayer.

When he had conferred with the council - With his associate judges, or with those who were his counselors in the administration of justice. They were made up of the chief persons, probably military as well as civil, who were about him, and who were his assistants in the administration of the affairs of the province.

Unto Caesar shalt thou go - He was willing in this way to rid himself of the trial, and of the vexation attending it. He did not dare to deliver him to the Jews in violation of the Roman laws, and he was not willing to do justice to Paul, and thus make himself unpopular with the Jews. He was, therefore, probably rejoiced at the opportunity of thus freeing himself from all the trouble in the case in a manner against which none could object.

After certain days, king Agrippa - This Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa Act 12:1, and great-grandson of Herod the Great. His mother’ s name was Cypros (Josephus, Jewish Wars , book 2, chapter 11, section 6). When his father died he was at Rome with the Emperor Claudius. Josephus says that the emperor was inclined to bestow upon him all his father’ s dominions, but was dissuaded by his ministers. The reason of this was, that it was thought imprudent to bestow so large a kingdom on so young a man, and one so inexperienced. Accordingly, Claudius sent Cuspius Fadus to be procurator of Judea and of the entire kingdom (Josephus, Antiq. , book 19, chapter 9, section 2). When Herod, the brother of his father, Agrippa the Great, died in the eighth year of the reign of Claudius, his kingdom - the kingdom of Chalcis - was bestowed by Claudius on Agrippa (Josephus, Antiq. , book 20, chapter 5, section 2). Afterward, he bestowed on him the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added to it Trachonitis with Abila ( Antiq. , book 20, chapter 7, section 1). After the death of Claudius, Nero, his successor, added to his dominions Julias in Perea and a part of Galilee. Agrippa had been brought up at Rome, and was strongly attached to the Romans. When the troubles commenced in Judea which ended in the destruction of Jerusalem, he did all that he could to preserve peace and order, but in vain. He afterward joined his troops with those of the Romans, and assisted them at the destruction of Jerusalem. After the captivity of that city he went to Rome with his sister Bernice, where he ended his days. He died at the age of seventy years, about 90 a.d. His manner of living with his sister gave occasion to reports respecting him very little to his advantage.

And Bernice - She was sister of Agrippa. She had been married to Herod, king of Chalcis, her own uncle by her father’ s side. After his death she proposed to Polemon, king of Pontus and part of Cilicia, that if he would become circumcised she would marry him. He complied, but she did not continue long with him. After she left him she returned to her brother Agrippa, with whom she lived in a manner such as to excite scandal. Josephus directly charges her with incest with her brother Agrippa ( Antiq. , book 20, chapter 7, section 3).

To salute Festus - To show him respect as the governor of Judea.

Festus declared Paul’ s cause - He did this, probably, because Agrippa, being a Jew, would be supposed to he interested in the case. It was natural that this trial should be a topic of conversation, and perhaps Festus might be disposed to ask what was proper to be done in such cases.

Left in bonds - Greek: "a prisoner"- δέσμιος desmios . He was left in custody, probably in the keeping of a soldier, Act 24:23, Act 24:27.

About whom ... - See Act 25:1-5.

To have judgment against him - To have him condemned.

It is not the manner ... - He here states the reasons which he gave the Jews for not delivering Paul into their hands. In Act 25:4-5, we have an account of the fact that he would not accede to the requests of the Jews; and he here states that the reason of his refusal was that it was contrary to the Roman law. Appian, in his Roman History, says, "It is not their custom to condemn men before they are heard."Philo (DePraesi. Rom.) says the same thing. In Tacitus (History, ii.) it is said, "A defendant is not to be prohibited from adducing all things by which his innocence may be established."It was for this that the equity of the Roman jurisprudence was celebrated throughout the world. We may remark that it is a subject of sincere gratitude to the God of our nation that this privilege is enjoyed in the highest perfection in this land. It is a right which every man has: to be heard; to know the charges against him; to be confronted with the witnesses; to make his defense; and to be tried by the laws, and not by the passions and caprices of people. In this respect our jurisprudence surpasses all that Rome ever enjoyed, and is not inferior to that of the most favored nation of the earth.

To deliver - To give him up as a favor χαρίζεσθαι charizesthai to popular clamor and caprice. Yet our Saviour, in violation of the Roman laws, was thus given up by Pilate, Mat 27:18-25.

Have the accusers face to face - That he may know who they are and hear their accusations. Nothing contributes more to justice than this. Tyrants permit people to be accused without knowing who the accusers are, and without an opportunity of meeting the charges. It is one great principle of modern jurisprudence that the accused may know the accusers, and be permitted to confront the witnesses, and to adduce all the testimony possible in his own defense.

And have licence - Greek: "place of apology"- may have the liberty of defending himself.

Therefore when they were come hither ... - See Act 25:6.

None accusation ... - No charge as I expected of a breach of the peace; of a violation of the Roman law; of atrocious crime. It was natural that Festus should suppose that they would accuse Paul of some such offence. He had been arraigned before Felix; had been two years in custody; and the Jews were exceedingly violent against him. All this, Festus would presume, must have arisen from some flagrant and open violation of the laws.

But had certain questions - Certain inquiries, or litigated and disputed subjects; certain points of dispute in which they differed - ζητήματα τινα zētēmata tina .

Of their own superstition - δεισιδαιμονίας deisidaimonias . This word properly denotes "the worship or fear of demons"; but it was applied by the Greeks and Romans to the worship of their gods. It is the same word which is used in Act 17:22, where it is used in a good sense. See the notes on that place. There are two reasons for thinking that Festus used the word here in a good sense, and not in the sense in which we use the word "superstition":

(1) It was the word by which the worship of the Greeks and Romans, and, therefore, of Festus himself, was denoted, and he would naturally use it in a similar sense in applying it to the Jews. He would describe their worship in such language as he was accustomed to use when speaking of religion.

\caps1 (2) h\caps0 e knew that Agrippa was a Jew. Festus would not probably speak of the religion of his royal guest as superstition, but would speak of it with respect. He meant, therefore, to say simply that they had certain inquiries about their own religion, but accused him of no crime against the Roman laws.

And of one Jesus, which was dead - Greek: "of one dead Jesus."It is evident that Festus had no belief that Jesus had been raised up, and in this he would expect that Agrippa would concur with him. Paul had admitted that Jesus had been put to death, but he maintained that he had been raised from the dead. As Festus did not believe this, he spoke of it with the utmost contempt. "They had a dispute about one dead Jesus, whom Paul affirmed to be alive."In this manner a Roman magistrate could speak of this glorious truth of the Christian religion, and this shows the spirit with which the great mass of philosophers and statesmen regarded its doctrines.

And because I doubted of such manner of questions - See the margin. Because I hesitated about the right way of disposing of them; because I was ignorant of their nature and bearing, I proposed to go to Jerusalem, that the matter might be there more fully investigated. It is obvious, that if Paul was not found guilty of any violation of the laws, he should have been at once discharged. Some interpreters understand this as affirming that he was not satisfied about the question of Paul’ s innocence, or certain whether he ought to be set at liberty or not.

But when he had appealed - Act 25:11.

To be reserved - To be kept; not to be tried at Jerusalem, but to be sent to Rome for trial.

Unto the hearing - Margin, "the judgment."That Augustus might hear and decide the cause.

Of Augustus - The reigning emperor at this time was Nero. The name Augustus Σεβαστός Sebastos properly denotes "what is venerable, or worthy of honor and reverence."It was first applied to Caesar Octavianus, who was the Roman emperor in the time when our Saviour was born, and who is usually nailed Augustus Caesar. But the title continued to be used of his successors in office, as denoting the veneration or reverence which was due to the rank of emperor.

Then Agrippa said ... - Agrippa doubtless had heard much of the fame of Jesus, and of the new sect of Christians, and probably he was induced by mere curiosity to hear what Paul could say in explanation and defense of Christianity. This wish of Agrippa gave occasion to the noblest defense which was ever made before any tribunal, and to as splendid eloquence as can be found in any language. See Act 26:23.

With great pomp - Greek: "with much phantasy" φαντασίας phantasias ; with much show, parade, and splendor. It was an occasion on which he could exhibit much of the splendor of royalty, and he chose to do it.

Into the place of hearing - The court-room, or the place where the judges heard and tried causes.

With the chief captains - Greek: the chiliarchs; the commanders of 1,000 men. It means here that the military officers were assembled. "The principal men of the city."The civil officers, or the men of reputation and influence.

Have dealt with me - Have appeared before me, desiring me to try him. They have urged me to condemn him.

Crying ... - Compare Act 22:22. They had sought that he should be put to death.

Of whom - Respecting his character, opinions, and manner of life; and respecting the charges against him.

No certain thing - Nothing definite and well established. They had not accused Paul of any crime against the Roman laws; and Festus professes himself too ignorant of the customs of the Jews to inform the emperor distinctly of the nature of the charges and the subject of trial.

Unto my lord - To the emperor - to Caesar. This name Lord the Emperors Augustus and Tiberius had rejected, and would not suffer it to be applied to them. Suetonius (Life of Augustus, v. 53) says "the appellation of Lord he always abhorred as abominable and execrable."See also Suetonius’ Life of Tiberius, v. 27. The emperors that succeeded them, however, admitted the title, and suffered themselves to be called by this name. Nothing would be more satisfactory to Nero, the reigning emperor, than this title.

I might have somewhat to write - As Agrippa was a Jew, and was acquainted with the customs and doctrine of the Jews, Festus supposed that, after hearing Paul, he would be able to inform him of the exact nature of these charges, so that he could present the case intelligibly to the emperor.

For it seemeth to me unreasonable - Festus felt that he was placed in an embarrassing situation. He was about to send a prisoner to Rome who had been tried by himself, and who had appealed from his jurisdiction, and yet he was ignorant of the charges against him, and of the nature of his offences, if any had been committed. When prisoners were thus sent to Rome to be tried before the emperor, it would be proper that the charges should be all specified, and the evidence stated by which they were supported, Yet Festus could do neither, and it is not wonderful that he felt himself perplexed and embarrassed, and that he was glad to avail himself of the desire which Agrippa had expressed to hear Paul, that he might be able to specify the charges against him.

Withal - Also; at the same time.

To signify - To specify, or make them know. In concluding this chapter, we may observe:

(1) That in the case of Agrippa, we have an instance of the reasons which induce many people to hear the gospel. He had no belief in it; he had no concern for its truth or its promises; but he was led by curiosity to desire to hear a minister of the gospel of Christ. Curiosity thus draws multitudes to the sanctuary. In many instances they remain unaffected and unconcerned. They listen, and are unmoved, and die in their sins. In other instances, like Agrippa, they are almost persuaded to be Christians, Act 26:28. But, like him, they resist the appeals, and die uninterested in the plan of salvation. In some instances they are converted, and their curiosity, like that of Zacchaeus, is made the means of their embracing the Saviour, Luk 19:1-9. Whatever may be the motive which induces people to desire to hear, it is the duty of the ministry cheerfully and thankfully, like Paul, to state the truth, and to defend the Christian religion.

\caps1 (2) i\caps0 n Festus we have a specimen of the manner in which the great, and the rich, and the proud usually regard Christianity. They esteem it to be a subject in which they have no interest a question about "one dead Jesus,"whom Christians affirm to be alive. Whether he be alive or not; whether Christianity be true or false, they suppose is a question which does not pertain to them. Strange that it did not occur to Festus that if he was alive, his religion was true; and that it was possible that it might be from God. And strange that the people of this world regard the Christian religion as a subject in which they have no personal interest, but as one concerning which Christians only should inquire, and in which they alone should feel any concern.

\caps1 (3) i\caps0 n Paul we have the example of a man unlike both Festus and Agrippa. He felt a deep interest in the subject a subject which pertained as much to them as to him. He was willing not only to look at it, but to stake his life, his reputation, his all, on its truth. He was willing to defend it everywhere, and before any class of people. At the same time that he urged his rights as a Roman citizen, yet it was mainly that he might preach the gospel. At the same time that he was anxious to secure justice to himself, yet his chief anxiety was to declare the truth of God. Before any tribunal; before any class of people; in the presence of princes, nobles, and kings, of Romans and of Jews, he was ready to pour forth irresistible eloquence and argument in defense of the truth. Who would not rather be Paul than either Festus or Agrippa? Who would not rather be a prisoner. like him, than invested with authority like Festus, or clothed in splendor like Agrippa? And who would not rather be a believer of the gospel like Paul, than, like them, to be cold contemners or neglecters of the God that made them, and of the Saviour that died and rose again?

Paul might justly suspect his judges, and the place where they would have him judged, and also his journey thither, knowing with what difficulty, and not without a great guard, he came from thence.

I stand at Caesar’ s judgment seat he was now before Caesar’ s tribunal, whose vicegerent Festus was; and he only ought to judge a Roman citizen.

As thou very well knowest Festus might know that Paul had done the Jews no wrong, from the relation Felix had made unto him, as also from such as were with Felix when Paul’ s case was heard.

If I be an offender if I have injured the Jews, and my fault be worthy of death such as by law deserves death, I beg no favour.

No man may deliver me unto them according to law, (which the Romans did punctually observe), before sentence was passed.

I appeal unto Caesar: it was lawful for any that had that privilege of the Roman citizens, to appeal; neither might they be tried against their wills in any province out of Rome. Now Paul might appeal unto Caesar:

1. To make Caesar more favourable unto himself, and to other Christians.

2. Because he thought it more safe for himself and for the church.

3. He was in part admonished to do it by Christ himself, who had told him that he must bear witness of him at Rome, Act 23:11 .

Conferred with the council either of the Jews, and those of the sanhedrim, that he might inform them of the law or custom of the Romans, and how that he could not but admit of St. Paul’ s appeal; or with his own council; it being usual with the Roman presidents to do nothing of moment without the advice of their council, or assistants.

Hast thou appealed unto Caesar? Or without an interrogation: Thou hast appealed unto Caesar; which Festus was glad of, that without danger on the one hand, or ill will on the other, he might get rid of that difficult business.

This Agrippa is called by Josephus, the younger, and was the son of Herod Agrippa, or Agrippa the Great, who in this book of the Acts is called Herod, whose death is mentioned, Act 12:23 . But this Agrippa was brother to Drusilla and Bernice, here spoken of, and lived in incest with her, whom Juvenal in his satire speaks of:

Barbarus incestae dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.

Festus declared Paul’ s cause unto the king either amongst common discourse, or matter of novelty, and for the strangeness of it, or for his advice about it. Howsoever, by this means the wickedness of the Jews was published, and the safety of St. Paul provided for, and God’ s design of publishing the gospel at Rome itself furthered.

To wit, judgment of death upon Paul, that he might be sentenced according to the crimes they had laid against him; dikh being put for katadikh . Neither do they at all mind that St. Paul’ s case was not yet heard; they would rather have had him condemned unheard, as they had gotten our Saviour to be condemned, though the judge declared that he found no fault in him, Luk 23:4 ; which their unjust desire appears by Festus’ s answer.

To condemn any man indicta causa, without sufficient cause alleged and proved, is not only against the laws of the Romans, but of the Jews, Deu 17:4 ; nay, against the law of nature and of all nations. Yet malice had so far blinded the enemies of St. Paul, that they go about such things as a heathen reproves, and the very light of nature condemns.

Festus had gratified the Jews in what lawfully he might, not detaining them at charges from their habitations: and that not only commends Festus’ s own justice, but Paul’ s innocence; for if Paul had not appeared guiltless, he would have left him to the rage of the Jews, whom he desired to gratify what he could.

For Festus, knowing how Paul had been prosecuted by the Jews before Felix, and what charge they had been at, and what journeys they had made about him, could not think less than that he was a capital offender.

Superstition so this heathen governor profanely calls the religion and worship of God’ s own institution, and that in the presence of Agrippa and Bernice, who were both Jews, or, at least, brought up amongst them.

To be alive to have been raised again from the dead; acknowledging, with them, that he had been indeed dead.

Festus pretends, that he knew not by what rule those cases were to be decided, nor before what judges; whether before himself or the Jewish sanhedrim. But this is only his pretension: the true cause why he would not acquit Paul, though he knew him to be innocent, we read, Act 25:9 , viz. that he might do the Jews a pleasure. He asked Paul this question, Whether he would go to Jerusalem? But with a resolution to have sent him whether he would or not, had he not appealed; but then he durst not: for in certain cases none could hinder appeals, from any judge, to the people in the former times, or to their emperor in the latter times.

Augustus: the emperor who now reigned, and to whom Paul appealed, was Nero, who was called Augustus; this title being at first appropriated to Octavius, who succeeded Julius Caesar; but out of honour unto him, or because of its signification, it became an appellative, and was given unto all the emperors successively: nay, the emperor of Germany to this day is called Semper Augustus.

Caesar as from Octavius the emperors of Rome had the name of Augustus, so from the first emperor, Julius, they have the name of Caesars. This word Caesar, which was the proper name of the first emperor, is, in acknowledgment of him, made an appellative to all his successors.

Agrippa being well acquainted with the Jewish religion, if not a Jew, could not but have heard of our Saviour, his doctrine, death, and resurrection; and yet makes this desire but out of curiosity; as Herod desired to hear John Baptist, Mar 6:20 , and to see our Saviour, Luk 23:8 .

With great pomp the state, attire, and retinue used in this solemnity is much undervalued by the term the Holy Ghost here gives it (fantasia ); intimating, that all worldly glory is but in opinion and appearance merely, and that as a show it passeth away.

Paul was brought forth here is a great difference indeed between these great persons thus adorned and accompanied on the one side, and Paul, the prisoner, (desmiov , the chained, as he is called, Act 23:18 ), on the other side; yet holy Paul, with great reason, prefers his condition before theirs. He does not desire to partake with them in their ease and splendour, but with Christ in his disgrace and sufferings, Phi 3:10 .

Well might Paul be aghast, to be friendless in so great a multitude, and to be shown and pointed at as a monster, being made a spectacle unto the world, and to angels, and to men, as 1Co 4:9 . But he found surely the benefit and efficacy of that promise, Mat 28:20 , I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world.

The calumny of the Jews adds to the reputation of St. Paul: so many enemies, and so long in finding or making a fault that might reach his life, and yet to be disappointed! Paul and his religion are vindicated by the testimony of Lysias, the chief captain, Act 23:29 , and of Felix, the governor, Act 24:25 , and here by Festus, as afterwards by Agrippa too, Act 26:32 . So mighty is truth and innocence, that they do prevail sooner or later.

My lord Nero, the present emperor, whose deputy Festus was in this province; though some of the former emperors refused this name, as savouring of too much arbitratiness, the latter did accept of it.

Specially before thee Agrippa, being brought up in the knowledge of the Jewish law, though it was not his business to judge Paul’ s case, yet he might instruct and inform the judge about it.

So great a clamour, so hot a pursuit, and yet after all this the judge (who would willingly have condemned Paul, and gratified the Jews) knows not wherefore all this stir had been: but the more must he have been self-condemned, that durst not absolve or free a prisoner who was detained only by the power and multitude of his adversaries.

St. Paul, seeing Festus only sought a plea to get rid of his cause, by putting it into the hands of the Sanhedrim, appeals to Cæsar. According to the ordinary rules of jurisprudence, appeals are only made after sentence is pronounced; but Roman citizens had a privilege of anticipating the sentence, when the judge did any thing contrary to justice; as Festus evidently did in this case, by wishing to deliver Paul, a Roman citizen, to the tribunal of his declared enemies, the Jews. The apostle knew he was secured by making this appeal: as the Roman law declared provincial governors violators of the public peace, who should either strike, or imprison, or put to death a Roman citizen, that appealed to the emperor. (Calmet) ---

Hence Pliny sent some Christians to Rome for this same reason, as he writes himself in his epistles. (Lib. x. ep. 97.) Fuerunt alii similis amentiæ, quos, quia cives Romani erant, annotavi in urbem remittendos.

Agrippa. This was son of the king of the same name, who imprisoned St. Peter, and put St. James to death. Bernice was his sister, and one of the most infamous of women. Her character has merited her a place in one of Juvenal's satires, 5th.

Their own superstition. [3] Their particular religion, and manner of worshipping their God. (Witham)

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[BIBLIOGRAPHY]

De sua superstitione, Greek: peri tes idias deisidaimonias.

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Augustus Nero, who was then the Roman emperor.

Agrippa has the same curiosity of hearing Paul, as Herod formerly had of seeing Jesus. The apostle's name had, no doubt, become famous enough to reach the ears, and arrest the attention of Agrippa. Curiosity is certainly not the best motive a person can bring with him ot he investigation of religious truth: still it may occasionally become productive of good. The king was half persuaded to embrace the Christian faith. A better motive, or more serious attention, may induce some to embrace the truth, which accident may first have discovered to them. (Haydock)

To my lord. This was a title the emperors afterwards took, but which Augustus and Tiberius are said by Pliny, in his epistle to Trajan, and by Tertullian, to have refused, as too assuming and too high, ut nimis sublimem atque gloriosum. This was perhaps done, that none might hear the title at a time when the Lord of lords was to appear on the earth. (Tirinus) ---

Whilst we can approve and admire the motives which actuated the emperors in refusing this title, we cannot go the lengths which some modern enthusiasts do, (mostly Americans, Quakers, &c.) who pretend it is blasphemy to call a mortal man a lord, as if that name were incommunicable to any but the Creator of the universe. Whence they derive this article of faith it will not be easy for us to guess; certainly not from Scripture, in which the word Dominus or Lord, applied to man, occurs almost as frequently as King. Certainly not from our Saviour's words, who give both himself and others this title, (Mark xiv. 14. and other places.) nor from St. Paul's doctrine, who also uses this word indiscriminately through his epistles, Galatians iv. 1; Ephesians vi. v.; &c. Hence we are justified in retaining this practice, in opposition to their cavils; and in treating that opinion as superstitious and void of foundation, which makes it a necessary part of religion to use no titles. (Haydock)

Then said Paul, I stand at Caesar's judgment seat,.... Not that here was a seat in the judgment hall built by Herod for Caesar himself to sit in, should he ever come there, as some have thought; but the seat on which Festus sat is called Caesar's judgment seat, because it was in a Raman court of judicature, and because Festus, who filled it, represented Caesar himself:

where I ought to be judged: being a Roman citizen, and not at Jerusalem by the sanhedrim of the Jews, who had nothing to do with him:

to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest; it may be by his predecessor Felix, who had informed him of this case; or by Lysias's letter, which might come to his hands; or by the apostle's answer and vindication of himself, which he now made.

have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest; it may be by his predecessor Felix, who had informed him of this case; or by Lysias's letter, which might come to his hands; or by the apostle's answer and vindication of himself, which he now made.

For if I be an offender,.... Against the law of Moses, or the temple at Jerusalem, or Caesar the Roman emperor:

or have committed anything worthy of death; by the laws of the Romans, as sedition, murder, &c.

I refuse not to die; signifying that he did not decline going to Jerusalem, either through any consciousness of guilt, or fear of death; for if anything could be proved against him, that was of a capital nature, he did not desire to escape death; he was ready to die for it; this was no subterfuge, or shift, to evade or defer justice:

but if there be none of these things; to be found, or proved, and made to appear:

whereof these accuse me; pointing to the Jews, that came down to be his accusers, and had laid many and grievous charges against him:

no man may deliver me unto them; not justly, or according to the Roman laws; suggesting that Festus himself could not do it legally;

I appeal unto Caesar; to this the apostle was induced, partly by the conduct of the governor, who seemed inclined to favour the Jews; and partly by the knowledge he might have of their intention to lie in wait for him, should he go up to Jerusalem; and chiefly by the vision he had had, which assured him that he must bear witness of Christ at Rome, Act 23:11.

Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council,.... Not with the Jewish sanhedrim, or any part of it that came down on this occasion; but with Roman counsellors, which he had to assist him in judgment, when any difficult matters were before him; the Syriac and Ethiopic versions render it, "with his counsellors"; and the Arabic reads in the singular number, "with his counsellor"; with these he advised, whether it was proper to admit of Paul's appeal, or not; and having had their opinion,

he answered, hast thou appealed unto Caesar? unto Caesar shalt thou go: the question is put, partly for the more certain knowledge of the thing, that there might be no mistake in it; and partly on account of the Jews, that they might see that though he was disposed to do them a favour, it was not in his power, because of this appeal; and it may be with some resentment in himself, since it carried in it a sort of reflection upon him, as if he was incapable of issuing this affair, or would not be just and faithful in it.

And after certain days,.... Several days after the above appeal made by Paul:

King Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus: this King Agrippa was the son of Herod Agrippa, who killed James the brother of John, and of whose death mention is made in Act 12:1 the Jewish chronologer ^h calls him Agrippa the Second, the son of Agrippa the First, the fifth king of the family of Herod: he was not king of Judea, this was reduced again into a province by Claudius; and upon the death of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, he was by the said emperor made king of that place, who afterwards removed him from thence to a greater kingdom, and gave him the tetrarchy, which was Philip's, his great uncle's; namely, Batanea, Trachonitis, and Gaulanitis, to which he added the kingdom of Lysanias; (see Luk 3:1) and the province which Varus had; and to these Nero added four cities, with what belonged to them; in Peraea, Abila and Julias, and in Galilee, Tarichea and Tiberias ⁱ. The Jewish writers often make mention of him, calling him, as here, King Agrippa; See Gill on Act 26:3, and so does Josephus ^k. According to the above chronologer ^l he was had to Rome by Vespasian, when he went to be made Caesar; and was put to death by him, three years and a half before the destruction of the temple; though others say he lived some years after it: and some of the Jewish writers affirm, that in his days the temple was destroyed ^m. Agrippa, though he was a Jew, his name was a Roman name; Augustus Caesar had a relation of this name ⁿ, who had a son of the same name, and a daughter called Agrippina; and Herod the great being much obliged to the Romans, took the name from them, and gave it to one of his sons, the father of this king: the name originally was given to such persons, who at their birth came forth not with their heads first, as is the usual way of births, but with their feet first, and which is accounted a difficult birth; and "ab aegritudine", from the grief, trouble, and weariness of it, such are called Agrippas ^o. Bernice, who is said to be with King Agrippa, is not the name of a man, as some have supposed, because said to sit in the judgment hall with the king, but of a woman; so called, in the dialect of the Macedonians, for Pheronice, which signifies one that carries away the victory; and this same person is, in Suetonius ^p, called Queen Beronice, for whom Titus the emperor is said to have a very great love, and was near upon marrying her: she was not wife of Agrippa, as the Arabic version reads, but his sister; his father left besides him, three daughters, Bernice, Mariamne, and Drusilla, which last was the wife of Felix, Act 24:24. Bernice was first married to her uncle Herod, king of Chalcis ^q, and after his death to Polemon, king of Cilicia, from whom she separated, and lived in too great familiarity with her brother Agrippa, as she had done before her second marriage, as was suspected ^r, to which incest Juvenal refers ^s; and with whom she now was, who came together to pay a visit to Festus, upon his coming to his government, and to congratulate him upon it.

And when they had been there many days,.... Indulging themselves in pleasure, and spending their time in conversing on various subjects; and in order to carry on the conversation, and pass away time,

Festus declared Paul's case unto the king; in the following manner:

saying, there is a certain man left in bonds by Felix; the former governor in Caesarea, meaning Paul.

About whom, when I was at Jerusalem,.... Quickly after he came to his government:

the chief priests and elders of the Jews informed me; brought an accusation to him, exhibited to him charges against him, presented to him a bill of information, setting forth various crimes he had been guilty of:

desiring to have judgment against him; not barely to have his cause tried, but to have a sentence of condemnation passed upon him; some copies read "condemnation", as the Alexandrian copy, and two of Beza's; and that punishment is designed, and even death itself, is manifest from the following words.

To whom I answered,.... As follows:

it is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die; or to give any man to destruction; to pass sentence of death upon him, without hearing his cause, and purely at the request of another, and merely to gratify him:

before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face; so as to speak to his face, or before him, what they have to charge him with:

and have licence to answer for himself, concerning the crime laid against him; and this was also according to the law of the Jews, Joh 7:51 though Festus, from such an application to him by the chief priests and elders, might conclude that their manner was different, he being ignorant of their laws and customs; but their prejudice to the apostle carried them to act such an illegal part, or at least to desire it might be acted: it is one of the Jewish canons, that it is unlawful for a judge to hear one of the contending parties, before the other is come in.

Therefore when they were come hither,.... To Caesarea, namely the chief priests and elders of the Jews:

without any delay on the morrow, I sat on the judgment seat: that is, the next day after they came down, Festus went into the judgment hall, and took his place there, in order to hear this cause; which circumstance he mentions, to show how expeditious he was:

and I commanded the man to be brought forth: from his place of confinement, to the hall, to answer for himself.

Against whom when the accusers stood up,.... As they were obliged to do, whilst they were exhibiting their charges, bearing their testimonies, and producing their proofs; Act 25:7.

They brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: for by his being left in bonds, and by the information of the chief priests and elders, and their violence against him, he imagined he must be chargeable with some notorious capital crime.

But had certain questions against him of their own superstition,.... Or religion; as about their law, which they said Paul had spoke against; and about their temple, which they pretended he had polluted; and about the resurrection of the dead, which he asserted, and some denied:

and of one Jesus which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive; for it seems more was said on each side, than is recorded by Luke: the Jews objected to him among other things, his belief in Jesus of Nazareth, whom they traduced as an impostor and deceiver; Paul on the other hand argued, that he was the true Messiah; and in proof of it, affirmed that though they had put him to death, he was risen from the dead, and so was declared to be the Son of God with power: Festus, it is very likely, had never heard of Jesus before, and therefore speaks of him in this manner; or if he had, he had entertained a contemptible opinion of him, as well as of the Jewish religion; and which he expresses, even in the presence of the king, who had outwardly at least embraced it.

And because I doubted of such manner of questions,.... Or was ignorant of them, and knew not what to make of them, or to say to them, and was at an entire loss what to do in this affair:

I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters; before the Jewish sanhedrim, who best understood them.

But when Paul had appealed to be reserved,.... In custody at Caesarea:

unto the hearing of Augustus; to have his cause heard, tried, and judged of, by the Roman Emperor Nero, here called Augustus; for as it was usual for a Roman emperor to be called Caesar, from Julius Caesar, the first of them, so to be called Augustus, from Octavius Augustus, the second emperor: his original surname was Thurinus, but this being objected to him as a reproachful one, he afterwards took the name of Caesar, and then of Augustus; the one by the will of his great uncle, the other by the advice of Munatius Plancus; when some thought he ought to be called Romulus, as if he was the founder of the city, it prevailed that he should rather be called Augustus; not only this surname being new, but more grand, seeing religious places, and in which anything was consecrated by soothsaying, were called "Augusta, ab auctu, vel ab avium gestu, gustuve", according to Ennius ^t: in the Greek text the name is Sebastos, which signifies venerable and worshipful.

I commanded him to be kept; in Caesarea, by a centurion, and not sent to Jerusalem:

till I might send him to Caesar: till he could have an opportunity of sending him to Rome, to take his trial before the emperor.

Then Agrippa said to Festus,.... After he had given him the above account:

I would also hear the man myself; Agrippa being a Jew by profession, and knowing more of these things than Festus did, and very likely had heard much concerning Jesus Christ; and if not of the apostle, yet however of the Christian religion; and therefore he was very desirous, not only out of curiosity to see the man, but to hear him; and get some further information and knowledge about the things in dispute, between the Jews and Christians, in which Festus was very ready to gratify him:

tomorrow, said he, thou shall hear him: and sooner things could not well be prepared for an affair of this kind, and for so grand a meeting.

And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come,.... Into the hall, or court of judicature:

and Bernice; his sister, along with him:

with great pomp: in rich dress, with the "regalia", or ensigns of royalty carried before them, and attended with a large train and retinue of servants:

and was entered into the place of hearing; the causes that were tried in court, that particular part of the hall, which was assigned for that purpose; for as there were the proper places for the judge and council, and for the plaintiffs and defendants, so for those that came to hear:

with the chief captains; or tribunes, who had the command of the Roman soldiers; and who had each of them a thousand men under them, as their title signifies:

and principal men of the city; that is, of Caesarea; the magistrates, and chief inhabitants of the place:

at Festus's commandment Paul was brought forth; and became a spectacle to a vast number of men, as he himself says; and which in part fulfilled what Christ had foretold to his disciples, that they should be brought before kings and governors for his sake; see 1Co 4:9.

And Festus said, King Agrippa,.... He addressed himself to him in the first place, as being the principal person, and of great dignity, as well as knowledge:

and all men which are here present with us; the chief captains, and principal inhabitants of the city:

ye see this man the prisoner at the bar, meaning Paul:

about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me: applied unto him, interceded with him, and very importunately pressed and desired him to give judgment against him:

both at Jerusalem and also here; at Caesarea, whither they came from Jerusalem to accuse him:

crying: in a very noisy and clamorous way:

that he ought not to live any longer; as they did before Lysias the chief captain, Act 22:22 and so in the hearing of Festus; for it was his death they sought, and nothing else would satisfy them.

But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death,.... Which was a public testimony of the apostle's innocence, to the great mortification of his enemies, some of whom might be present; a like testimony was given of him by Lysias, Act 23:29.

And that he himself hath appealed unto Augustus; the Emperor Nero; see Act 25:21.

I have determined to send him; having had the opinion of his council upon it.

Of whom I have no certain thing,.... No certain crime, charge, or accusation; nothing of any moment or consequence, no particular thing, nothing but a heap of confused notions, of I know not who or what:

to write unto my lord; meaning the Roman emperor, under whom he served as governor of Judea:

wherefore I have brought him before you; the whole company then present:

and especially before thee, O King Agrippa; as being not only a man of eminence, dignity, and authority, but of knowledge in such matters, which the Jews accused Paul of; see Act 26:2.

That after examination had; of Paul, and his case;

I might have somewhat to write; concerning him, and the charges exhibited against him to the emperor.

For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner,.... A man bound as if he was a malefactor, and guilty of some heinous crimes, to Rome, to be tried before Caesar:

and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him; for which he is a prisoner, and for which he is sent to the emperor: it seemed to Festus an absurd thing, and what might be justly looked upon by his master, a foolish, silly, and stupid piece of conduct, and void of common sense and reason, mere madness and folly; to send him a prisoner, and not signify in his letter to him, what was laid to his charge; and yet this was so dark and obscure, that he could not tell what to make of it, nor what to write to his lord about it; and hoped therefore, upon this re-examination of Paul before Agrippa, he should come to a more certain knowledge of this affair, and be better furnished to give Nero an account of it, to whom the apostle had appealed.

¹ tn Grk “said.”

² tn Or “before the emperor’s” (“Caesar” is a title for the Roman emperor).

³ tn Although BDAG 175 s.v. βῆμα 3 gives the meaning “tribunal” for this verse, and a number of modern translations use similar terms (“court,” NIV; “tribunal,” NRSV), since the bema was a standard feature in Greco-Roman cities of the time, there is no need for an alternative translation here. Here of course Paul’s reference to “Caesar’s judgment seat” is a form of metonymy; since Festus is Caesar’s representative, Festus’ judgment seat represents Caesar’s own.

sn The judgment seat (βῆμα, bhma) was a raised platform mounted by steps and sometimes furnished with a seat, used by officials in addressing an assembly or making pronouncements, often on judicial matters. The judgment seat was a familiar item in Greco-Roman culture, often located in the agora, the public square or marketplace in the center of a city.

⁴ tn That is, tried by an imperial representative and subject to Roman law.

⁵ sn “I have done nothing wrong.” Here is yet another declaration of total innocence on Paul’s part.

⁶ tn BDAG 506 s.v. καλῶς 7 states, “comp. κάλλιον (for the superl., as Galen, Protr. 8 p. 24, 19J.=p. 10, 31 Kaibel; s. B-D-F §244, 2) ὡς καί σὺ κ. ἐπιγινώσκεις as also you know very well Ac 25:10.”

¹ tn BDAG 20 s.v. ἀδικέω 1.b has “intr. be in the wrong (Ex 2:13) εἰ ἀδικῶ Ac 25:11.”

² tn BDAG 764 s.v. παραιτέομαι 2.b.β, “οὐ παραιτοῦμαι τὸ ἀποθανεῖν I am not trying to escape death Ac 25:11 (cp. Jos., Vi. 141).” To avoid redundancy in the translation, the English gerund “dying” is used to translate the Greek infinitive ἀποθανεῖν (apoqanein).

³ tn Or “but if there is nothing to their charges against me.” Both “if” clauses in this verse are first class conditions. Paul stated the options without prejudice, assuming in turn the reality of each for the sake of the argument.

⁴ sn That is, no one can hand me over to them lawfully. Paul was aware of the dangers of a return to Jerusalem.

⁵ tn Or “to the emperor” (“Caesar” is a title for the Roman emperor).

sn The appeal to Caesar was known as the provocatio ad Caesarem. It was a Roman citizen’s right to ask for a direct judgment by the emperor (Pliny the Younger, Letters 10.96). It was one of the oldest rights of Roman citizens.

¹ tn That is, with his advisers.

² sn See the note on Porcius Festus in 24:27.

³ tn Or “to the emperor” (“Caesar” is a title for the Roman emperor).

⁴ tn Or “to the emperor.”

⁵ sn “To Caesar you will go!” In all probability Festus was pleased to send Paul on to Rome and get this political problem out of his court.

¹ sn King Agrippa was Herod Agrippa II (a.d. 27-92/93), son of Herod Agrippa I (see Acts 12:1). He ruled over parts of Palestine from a.d. 53 until his death. His sister Bernice was widowed when her second husband, Herod King of Chalcis, died in a.d. 48. From then she lived with her brother. In an attempt to quiet rumors of an incestuous relationship between them, she resolved to marry Polemo of Cilicia, but she soon left him and returned to Herod Agrippa II. Their incestuous relationship became the gossip of Rome according to Josephus (Ant. 20.7.3 [20.145-147]). The visit of Agrippa and Bernice gave Festus the opportunity to get some internal Jewish advice. Herod Agrippa II was a trusted adviser because he was known to be very loyal to Rome (Josephus, J. W. 2.16.4 [2.345-401]).

² sn Caesarea was a city on the coast of Palestine south of Mount Carmel (not Caesarea Philippi). See the note on Caesarea in Acts 10:1.

map For location see Map2 C1; Map4 B3; Map5 F2; Map7 A1; JP1 F4; JP2 F4; JP3 F4; JP4 F4.

³ tn BDAG 144 s.v. ἀσπάζομαι 1.b states, “Of official visits pay one’s respects to…Ac 25:13.”

⁴ sn See the note on Porcius Festus in 24:27.

¹ tn BDAG 1105-6 s.v. ὡς 8.b states, “w. pres. or impf. while, when, as long as…Ac 1:10; 7:23; 9:23; 10:17; 13:25; 19:9; 21:27; 25:14.”

² sn See the note on Porcius Festus in 24:27.

³ tn Grk “Festus laid Paul’s case before the king for consideration.” BDAG 74 s.v. ἀνατίθημι 2 states, “otherw. only mid. to lay someth. before someone for consideration, declare, communicate, refer w. the added idea that the pers. to whom a thing is ref. is asked for his opinion lay someth. before someone for consideration…Ac 25:14.”

¹ map For location see Map5 B1; Map6 F3; Map7 E2; Map8 F2; Map10 B3; JP1 F4; JP2 F4; JP3 F4; JP4 F4.

² tn BDAG 326 s.v. ἐμφανίζω 3 has “to convey a formal report about a judicial matter, present evidence, bring charges…ἐ. περί τινος concerning someone 25:15.”

³ tn Grk “about whom.” Because of the length and complexity of the Greek sentence, the relative pronoun (“whom”) has been replaced with a personal pronoun (“him”) and a new sentence started in the translation at the beginning of v. 15 (where the phrase περὶ οὗ [peri Jou] occurs in the Greek text).

⁴ tn BDAG 516 s.v. καταδίκη states, “condemnation, sentence of condemnation, conviction, guilty verdict…αἰτεῖσθαι κατά τινος κ. ask for a conviction of someone Ac 25:15.”

¹ tn Grk “to whom I answered.” Because of the length and complexity of the Greek sentence, the relative pronoun (“whom”) has been replaced with a personal pronoun (“them”) and a new sentence started in the translation at the beginning of v. 16.

sn “I answered them.” In the answer that follows, Festus is portrayed in a more positive light, being sensitive to justice and Roman law.

² tn Grk “any man.” This is a generic use of ἄνθρωπος (anqrwpos).

³ tn Or “has met his accusers in person.”

⁴ tn Grk “and receives.”

⁵ tn Or “indictment” (a legal technical term). BDAG 273-74 s.v. ἔγκλημα 1 states, “legal t.t.…ἀπολογία περὶ τοῦ ἐ. defense against the accusation Ac 25:16.” L&N 56.6 defines ἔγκλημα (enklhma) as “(a technical, legal term) a formal indictment or accusation brought against someone – ‘indictment, accusation, case.’ …‘and might receive an opportunity for a defense against the indictment’ Ac 25:16.”

¹ tn BDAG 969-70 s.v. συνέρχομαι 2 states, “συνελθόντων ἐνθάδε prob. means (because of συνκαταβάντες 25:5) they came back here with (me) 25:17.”

² tn BDAG 59 s.v. ἀναβολή states, “‘delay’…legal t.t. postponement…ἀ. μηδεμίαν ποιησάμενος I did not postpone the matter Ac 25:17.” “Case” has been supplied instead of “matter” since it is more specific to the context. The participle ποιησάμενος (poihsameno") has been translated as a finite verb due to requirements of contemporary English style.

³ tn Grk “sitting…I ordered.” The participle καθίσας (kaqisa") has been translated as a finite verb due to requirements of contemporary English style.

⁴ tn Although BDAG 175 s.v. βῆμα 3 gives the meaning “tribunal” for this verse, and a number of modern translations use similar terms (“court,” NIV; “tribunal,” NRSV), since the bema was a standard feature in Greco-Roman cities of the time, there is no need for an alternative translation here.

sn The judgment seat (βῆμα, bhma) was a raised platform mounted by steps and sometimes furnished with a seat, used by officials in addressing an assembly or making pronouncements, often on judicial matters. The judgment seat was a familiar item in Greco-Roman culture, often located in the agora, the public square or marketplace in the center of a city.

¹ tn Grk “they brought no charge of any of the evil deeds.” BDAG 31 s.v. αἰτία 3.b has “αἰτίαν φέρειν…bring an accusation Ac 25:18.” Since κατήγοροι (kathgoroi, “accusers”) in the previous clause is somewhat redundant with this, “charge” was used instead.

² tn Or “I was expecting.”

¹ tn Grk “several controversial issues.” BDAG 428 s.v. ζήτημα states, “in our lit. only in Ac, w. the mng. it still has in Mod. Gk. (controversial) question, issue, argument…Ac 15:2; 26:3. ζ. περί τινος questions about someth.…18:15; 25:19.”

² tn On this term see BDAG 216 s.v. δεισιδαιμονία 2. It is a broad term for religion.

sn About their own religion. Festus made it clear that in his view as a neutral figure (and as one Luke had noted was disposed to help the Jews), he saw no guilt in Paul. The issue was a simple religious dispute.

³ tn Grk “a certain Jesus.”

⁴ tn Or “asserted.”

¹ tn Or “Because I was undecided.” Grk “Being at a loss.” The participle ἀπορούμενος (aporoumeno") has been translated as a causal adverbial participle.

² tn L&N 27.34 states, “ἀπορούμενος δὲ ἐγὼ τὴν περὶ τούτων ζήτησιν ‘I was undecided about how I could get information on these matters’ Ac 25:20. The clause ‘about how I could get information on these matters’ may also be rendered as ‘about how I should try to find out about these matters’ or ‘about how I could learn about these matters.’”

³ tn Or “stand trial.”

⁴ tn Grk “on these things.”

¹ tn A designation of the Roman emperor (in this case, Nero). BDAG 917 s.v. σεβαστός states, “ὁ Σεβαστός His Majesty the Emperor Ac 25:21, 25 (of Nero).” It was a translation into Greek of the Latin “Augustus.”

² tn Or “to the emperor” (“Caesar” is a title for the Roman emperor).

¹ sn See the note on King Agrippa in 25:13.

² sn See the note on Porcius Festus in 24:27.

³ tn Grk “said.”

¹ sn See the note on King Agrippa in 25:13.

² tn Or “great pageantry” (BDAG 1049 s.v. φαντασία; the term is a NT hapax legomenon).

sn Agrippa and Bernice came with great pomp. The “royals” were getting their look at Paul. Everyone who was anyone would have been there.

³ tn Or “auditorium.” “Auditorium” may suggest to the modern English reader a theater where performances are held. Here it is the large hall where a king or governor would hold audiences. Paul once spoke of himself as a “spectacle” to the world (1 Cor 4:8-13).

⁴ tn Grk “the chiliarchs” (officers in command of a thousand soldiers). In Greek the term χιλίαρχος (ciliarco") literally described the “commander of a thousand,” but it was used as the standard translation for the Latin tribunus militum or tribunus militare, the military tribune who commanded a cohort of 600 men.

⁵ sn See the note on Porcius Festus in 24:27.

⁶ tn Grk “and Festus ordering, Paul was brought in.” Because of the length and complexity of the Greek sentence, a new sentence was begun in the translation, and καί (kai) has not been translated. The participle κελεύσαντος (keleusanto") has been taken temporally.

¹ sn See the note on Porcius Festus in 24:27.

² sn See the note on King Agrippa in 25:13.

³ tn Probably best understood as rhetorical hyperbole. BDAG 825 s.v. πλῆθος 2.b.γ states, “people, populace, population…τὸ πλῆθος the populace…ἅπαν τὸ πλ. τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων Ac 25:24.” However, the actions of the leadership are seen by Luke as representing the actions of the entire nation, so the remark is not inaccurate.

⁴ tn Or “appealed to” (BDAG 341 s.v. ἐντυγχάνω 1.a).

⁵ map For location see Map5 B1; Map6 F3; Map7 E2; Map8 F2; Map10 B3; JP1 F4; JP2 F4; JP3 F4; JP4 F4.

⁶ sn Here means “here in Caesarea.”

⁷ tn Or “screaming.”

¹ sn He had done nothing that deserved death. Festus’ opinion of Paul’s guilt is like Pilate’s of Jesus (Luke 23:4, 14, 22).

² tn The participle ἐπικαλεσαμένου (epikalesamenou) has been taken temporally. It could also be translated as causal: “and because he appealed…”

³ tn A designation of the Roman emperor (in this case, Nero). BDAG 917 s.v. σεβαστός states, “ὁ Σεβαστός His Majesty the Emperor Ac 25:21, 25 (of Nero).”

⁴ tn The word “him” is not in the Greek text, but is implied. Direct objects were often omitted in Greek when clear from the context, but must be supplied for the modern English reader.

¹ sn There is irony here. How can Festus write anything definite about Paul, if he is guilty of nothing.

² sn To my lord means “to His Majesty the Emperor.”

³ tn Grk “about whom I have nothing definite…” Because of the length and complexity of the Greek sentence, the relative pronoun (“whom”) was replaced with a personal pronoun (“him”) and a new sentence begun in the translation at the beginning of v. 26.

⁴ sn See the note on King Agrippa in 25:13.

⁵ tn Or “investigation.” BDAG 66 s.v. ἀνάκρισις has “a judicial hearing, investigation, hearing, esp. preliminary hearing…τῆς ἀ. γενομένης Ac 25:26.” This is technical legal language.

¹ tn L&N 33.153 s.v. σημαίνω, “to cause something to be both specific and clear – ‘to indicate clearly, to make clear’… ‘for it seems unreasonable to me to send a prisoner without clearly indicating the charges against him’ Ac 25:27.”

sn Without clearly indicating the charges against him. Again the point is made by Festus himself that there is difficulty even in articulating a charge against Paul.

^{( 4 )} And after certain days king ^{( b )} Agrippa and Bernice came unto Caesarea to salute Festus.

^{( 4 )} Festus, without even trying to, even before kings, brings to light the wickedness of the Jews, and Paul's innocence, and in this way marvellously confirms the Church of God.

^{( b )} This Agrippa was the son of Agrippa whose death Luke spoke of before, and Bernice was his sister.

To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to ^{( c )} deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him.

^{( c )} The Romans did not used to deliver any man to be punished before, etc.

^{( 5 )} But had certain questions against him of their own ^{( d )} superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive.

^{( 5 )} The profane and wicked take an occasion to condemn the true doctrine, because of private controversies and contentions of men between themselves: but the truth nevertheless abides safe and sure in the meantime.

^{( d )} This profane man calls the Jewish religion "superstition", and that before King Agrippa, but it is no wonder: for the rulers of provinces, because of the majesty of the empire of Rome, used to think themselves better than kings.

^{( 6 )} Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him.

^{( 6 )} That is fulfilled in Paul which the Lord had told to Ananias about him; see (Act 9:15).

And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great ^{( e )} pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth.

^{( e )} Gorgeously, like a prince.

Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my ^{( f )} lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write.

^{( f )} To Augustus. Good princes refused this name at the first, that is, to be called lords, but afterwards they allowed it, as we read of Traianus.

1 The Jews accuse Paul before Festus.

8 He answers for himself,

11 and appeals unto Caesar.

14 Afterwards Festus opens his matter to king Agrippa;

23 and he is brought forth.

25 Festus clears him of having done any thing worthy of death.

11. The purpose of the Jews was well understood by Paul. He remembered the purpose of the similar request preferred before Claudius Lysias, and perceived that his only safety was in frustrating their present attempt. Fortunately, the very imprisonment which exposed him to danger also furnished the means of his safety. (10) " Then Paul said, I am standing at C